On Ungraded Teaching Groups

September 2, 2023

Rohit Dhankar

This is a response to some questions asked in writing by a friend (Not writing the name here because have not asked for permission, s/he can write in the comments if so desires). The person uses the term VGL in the questions. I myself have used the term often in the past, but here have replaced VGL everywhere with Ungraded Teaching Group (UTG, for those who are foind of abbreviations and also to be used in this writeup). The reasons for this change will be explained below.

Some clarifications

Ungraded Teaching Group (UTG): There is a preoccupation in the Indian educational discourse for using child-centric terms without actually bothering about their precise meaning or being serious about really implementing pedagogy so recommended in the classrooms. A kind of tokenism is used to declare certain pedagogical improvements and then claim that they are implemented without proper teacher training and material. In this kind of discourse many terms are used for particular classroom arrangements, for example, Multigrade Teaching/Learning, Multilevel Teaching, Vertical Group Learning, and so on.

In this writeup and everywhere else I am using Ungraded Teaching Group (UTG) in a specific meaning with the following characteristics:

  1. The groups are constructed by the teacher(s) to facilitate learning, therefore, the emphasis on the term teaching.
  2. The teaching groups are ungraded, not multigrade. The difference being that in multigrade the “grade” is recognised as an organising principle, in ungraded the very idea of grade is completely ignored or deliberately discarded as an unsuitable principle of school and/or classroom organisation.

The Questions and Answers

Set 1: What are the prerequisites for UTG organisation?

Question 1. With respect to the teacher, e.g. can someone who lacks conceptual clarity be effective (in UTG pedagogy)?

Answer to Q1: The short answer is NO.

An educational practice (say teaching) is educational only by virtue of being guided by some theory which necessarily involves answers to questions of why? what? and how? Without such an underlying theory it is impossible to distinguish educational practice from any sundry human act. UTG has its specific reasons for organising the group in ungraded manner, principles and procedures of interaction with children, principles and procedures for material to be used and how it should be used, etc. Without conceptual clarity in all this the teacher is likely to be almost as effective as a motor mechanic without any knowledge of human anatomy trying to remove your painful appendix.

Question 2: (Prerequisites) With respect to School administration since teachers will need more time to plan?

Answer to Q2: The success of UTG pedagogy will depend on the teachers’ understanding of educational principles behind it (mentioned above); in-depth understanding of the children’s minds in terms of their learning styles, habits, conceptual understanding; and meticulous planning based on the earlier two. Understanding children’s minds involves keen observation, ability to interpret their work in epistemic terms, so to speak—ability to look into their minds through their eyes and their work. All this will require time and energy. Therefore, in my view every teacher needs minimum two hours for planning and recording every day and half a day for collective reflection with other colleagues every week.

This will have significant impact on the school organisation and number of teachers required. Those who want to do everything without hard work and want their teachers to teach 8 periods of 40 mins each should refrain from such a system. Pretentions of pedagogical improvements and herd-teaching is more suitable to them. They should happily continue in what they are doing presently.

Question 3: What kind of classroom culture is needed, e.g. will it work if students are not willing to work on their own?

Answer to Q3: (I have changed the order of questions between Q3 and Q4 for logical reasons) The short and direct answer is NO. The most significant purposes of UTG pedagogy are learning with as much clear conceptual understanding as possible, and to become independent in learning and judgment. Since the children gain conceptual clarity at their own pace and with their own cognitive efforts (often struggles), they need time to deal with ideas. That is the fundamental rationale for not organising the herd-teaching classrooms. Therefore, the children will have to be helped in trying to figure out for themselves, be persistent and not give us, and learn/work independently. Without such ‘training’ UTG can not function. Another equally important classroom principle would be complete lack of competition and children enjoying teaching and collaborating with others. One teacher can function effectively with 30 children only if the children can learn independently and with help from other children. 

Question 4: What kind of materials should be there? Should there be multiple sets of some materials?

Answer to Q4: In view of the answers to Q1 to Q3 it should be clear that specially designed material will be required for self-learning for children. Some of the basic principles of developing such material could be:

  1. Very clear logical and epistemic arrangement of concepts and capabilities. That means cognitively speaking all perquisite concepts and capabilities should have been reasonably mastered before going to the next level. (That is before attempting Xn all X1, X2, … Xn-1 should have been learnt.)
  2. The steps from concept/capability that is firmly learnt to the now attempted should be logically derivable by the child herself. That is, the steps from Xn-1 to Xn should be small and logically clear.
  3. The material should include appropriate hints to arrive at Xn from Xn-1.
  4. The instructions should be simple, direct, appropriate and addressed to the child; but should not be too many or too long.
  5. Textbooks should never be the so-called integrated type, that is having language, math, EVS in the same book. The very idea is clumsy and anti-clarity; violates nature of knowledge.
  6. The books should never by bulky (like Rajasthan textbooks for primary in the year 2023, where the first three-month book for Grade 1 is about 250 pages, has parts of Hindi, English and Math bound in the same cover. It is said to be based on some phony research which can hardly stand scrutiny). Rather they should be small booklets of about 16-20 pages each which can be mastered by the time they go into tatters in the child’s hands. These small books will keep the excitement of getting a new book after mastering one continuously through out the year.
  7. There should be carefully designed adequate (not too much, not too little) material in terms of cards and manipulanda.
  8. The textbooks and workbooks should be individual copies for every child.
  9. The cards and other material may be required in multiple copies depending on the group size and learning levels. It has to be carefully planned. Can not be described in detail here.

Set 2: Planning for one teacher teaching more than one UTGs (I have changed the vague language of the question as per my understanding).

Question 5: How to plan? Is there any format for such teaching plans?

Answer to Q5: Difficult to answer in vacuum. But every school has to develop their own formats of recording progress of the children and planning. In both, each child should figure individually as well as in smaller sub-groups which are learning together. The teacher has to roughly divide the sub-groups and children into two main categories for the purpose of planning every day: those who can work on that particular day solely on the basis of written instructions in their notebooks and/or a separate very short but clear note, and two, those who will need help as soon as the class begins, that is can not do anything on their own on that particular day. Some of them may have to be engaged for a few minutes (not more than 5-7) in revision or some practice work or may have to be assigned to a child who is at a higher level then them. Other the teacher can start explaining the new concept or difficulty. The teacher should also arrange the material (textbooks, workbooks, cards, manipulanda, etc.) clearly marked for the sub-group or the child; she should not waste time in searching the material in the classroom when the children are waiting. That will ruin the enthusiasm and seriousness for learning.

Planning for more than one groups will be no different than planning for one group except that it will require more time, and that should be provided by the school management.

Question 6: How to track the progress of each child if they are in different groups?

Answer to Q6: The question is rather vague. I see no reason for a child to be in different groups except in the case of subject groups, that is a child may be in group A in, say Hindi, and Group B in Math. It does not have any implications for the planning. In any case all children may be at different levels in different subjects. In my view the best arrangement for primary level is that one teacher teaches all the subjects to a group throughout the year and is held responsible for coordinated progress in learning.

Question 7: How often should the teaching plans be revised/updated?

Answer to Q7: I am not sure what “teaching plan” means here. One is a daily teaching plan which actually is made every day, and thus gets revised and progressively modified every day. Another could be a monthly teaching plan for a group. The progress made by children should be matched with the progress assumed in the monthly plan every week in the reflection group of teachers. And the plan may or may not require modification but thus will be reviewed every week.

Set 3. Grouping the children

Question 8: How to group the children?

Answer to Q8: In my view this kind of arrangement is most suitable for Primary Level. Suppose a school has only 30 children in the primary section. They can naturally be in a single UTG. This will be somewhat difficult for the teacher to manage the range of learning levels but can be done. Now suppose a school has about 90 children, they can be suitably organised in Beginners (those who are just beginning to the ones who are comfortable in reading small simple stories, and similar levels in math etc.), Readers (those who can comfortably read and write, and getting familiar with working alone on books) and Advanced (those who are working independently and are near the completion of the primary education). Only two principles are important: one, the range should be manageable by the teacher, and two, there is no harm in overlapping levels on learning between the groups.

For upper primary the usual grades can be retained if the teachers are not very well trained, but freedom of pace of learning and independence of learning may be ensured withing the group. With confident and well-trained teachers one can have children from the whole upper primary range as described above. Actually, this is a matter to be decided in the school.

Question 9: How to switch from homogeneous to heterogeneous groups and vice versa? (This I understand as How to switch from Graded School Organisation to Ungraded School Organisation?)

Answer to Q9: This is a very important question and can not be answered in a few lines, it will take a separate full-length article or maybe even a book. All I can say here is the following: Don’t do it for romantic or for boasting purposes. Do it only if you understand the need and principles behind it. Some steps could be worked out:

  1. Discuss in the whole school and make sure every teachers understand the principles and is conceptually clear.
  2. Ensure that every teacher is committed to the pedagogy and the teachers can form a very critical no-nonsense discussion group.
  3. Prepare material and plan to move children from herd-fed-teaching to self-reliant independent learning and collaboration with each other.
  4. Start with primary and let the children who get used to this pedagogy progress to the upper primary over the years.
  5. A different level of planning and thinking will be required for upper primary level.
  6. Train your teachers well, no token 2-3 days motivating lecture by some spuriously wise educator will help. It will only create frustration.
  7. Keep sufficient funds and time for training your teachers. Say minimum 3 months residential training. If that scares you, be happy with what you are doing.

Question 10: How to change grouping when the topic changes?

Answer to Q10: I do not know what this question means. Why should the groups change when topic changes? If this is about sub-groups in the same UTG of, say, about 30 children then it has to be a regular practice of working in different sub-groups for different topics, so what is special about it?

This article or note is, as said above, a response to questions asked, and therefore may have many gaps in it. You are most welcome to comment on such gaps and other things as well as write questions or critique of your own.

******

2nd September 2023


पंचायत और पंचायत सचिव

August 22, 2023

(ग्राम पंचायत भुकाना की एक छोटी सी कहानी)

रोहित धनकर

आप में से कई लोगों ने ओटीटी पर “पंचायत” नाम का सीरियल (या जो कुछ भी उसे कहते हैं) देखा होगा। उसे सराहा भी होगा। वह वास्तव में काफी अच्छा है। उस में एक प्रधान (राजस्थान में सरपंच जैसा जनप्रतिनिधि) है, जो एक महिला है। सब काम उसका पति देखता है, और उस के पति को ही सब प्रधान जी मानते हैं। ये “प्रधान जी” थोड़े काइयाँ पर मूलतः अच्छे स्वभाव के व्यक्ति हैं। और विपक्ष काफी खराब। पर मैं जिस मुख्य बात पर ध्यान दिलवाना चाहता हूँ वह यह कि वह सारी कहानी एक ईमानदार युवा सचिव की नजर से है। किसी आम नागरिक की नजर से नहीं।

मुझे आम नागरिक की तरफ से आज एक पंचायत सचिव (ग्राम पंचायत भुकाना, झुंझुनू, राजस्थान) से मिलने का मौका मिला। इस में पंचायत सीरियल से कई समानताएं हैं। सचिव एक युवा व्यक्ति हैं। नयी हैं। सरपंच एक महिला हैं, पर सब जगह उन के लिए “सरपंच प्रतिनिधि” के रूप में उनके पति ही जाते हैं, काम करते हैं। ये  “सरपंच प्रतिनिधि” भी बहुत भले इंसान हैं। पर काइयाँ नहीं। वास्तव में निर्णय ये भी नहीं लेते, कोई और ही है जो लेता है।

हुआ यूं कि किसी साधारण से जमीन के मामले में ग्राम पंचायत ने एक प्रस्ताव लिया, इन मामले में मैं भी एक पार्टी हूँ। किसी ने कोई जानबूझ कर बदमासी नहीं की, पर कुछ गणना की गलती हो गई। मुझे उसे दुरुस्त करवाने के लिए अन्य दस्तावेजों के साथ ग्राम पंचायत के इस प्रस्ताव की प्रति की भी जरूरत थी। साथ ही मैंने इंटरनेट पर देखा की मेरे गाँव में कुछ निर्माण कार्यों के लिए बजट आए हैं, पिछले 2-3 साल में। उन में से कुछ काम तो हुए ही नहीं, जो हुए उन में लागत कुछ ज्यादा ही लगी। साथ ही इस वर्ष गाँव के विद्यालय के लिए एक ट्यूब वेल के लिए भी बजट आया है। मैंने सुना था कि पहले भी एकबार विद्यालय में ट्यूब वेल के लिए बजट आचूका है, पर वह वैसे ही शायद पैसा वापस चला गया, काम नहीं हुआ। तो मैंने एक दूसरा आवेदन मेरे गाँव (श्री अमरपुरा) में ऐसे सभी कामों की जानकारी के लिए भी कर दिया।

मैंने शुक्रवार को सचिव से फोन करके पूछा कि वे कार्यालय में कब मिल सकती हैं। उन का कहना था कि मैं सोमवार को आजाऊँ, वे रोज ही 10:30 से 4:30 तक बैठती हैं। फिर रविवार को उनका फोन आया कि मैं मंगलवार को आऊँ, क्यों कि सोमवार को उन्हें चिड़ावा (पंचायत समिति मुख्यालय) जाना पड़ेगा। मुझे आश्चर्य और प्रसन्नता दोनों हुईं। कि एक आम अनजान व्यक्ति को दिये गए समय में तबदीली का उनको खयाल रहा। यह सरकारी अधिकारी के लिए मुझे बहुत बड़ी बात लगी। मैंने सोचा ये भी कोई युवा पारदर्शिता से काम करने वाली अधिकारी हैं।

तो मैं आज मंगलवार को उनके कार्यालय गया। मैंने पहले अपने निजी दस्तावेजों की सूची वाला आवेदन उनको दिया। उस में उन्हों ने बड़ी तत्परता से मेरे द्वारा चाहे गए प्रस्ताव को ग्राम पंचायत की बैठक की कार्यवाही में मुझे दिखाया और पूछा कि क्या मैं उसी की प्रति चाह रहा हूँ। मेरे हाँ कहने पर उन्हों ने कहा कि उनकी प्रति-लिपि मशीन में तो बहुत खराब अपठनीय प्रति बन पाएगी। मैंने कहा मैं बाहर से करवा लाता हूँ। पर स्वाभाविक रूप से वे ग्राम पंचायत का दस्तावेज़ एक अनजान व्यक्ति को नहीं दे सकती थीं। सौभाग्य से परपंच-प्रतिनिधी भी वहीं थे। मैंने सुझाया कि इनको देदो, मैं गाड़ी में साथ लेजा कर प्रति बनवा लाऊँगा। वे मान गईं। हम प्रति बनवा कर ले आए। मुझे प्रति बनवाने के पैसे भी सरपंच-प्रतिनिधी ने नहीं देने दिये, खुद ही दिये।

वापस आकार जब वे प्रस्ताव की आधिकारिक प्रति बनाने लगीं तो मैंने दूसरा आवेदन (श्री अमरपुरा में काम और बजट आदि वाला) उनको दिया। और कहा कि ये दस्तावेज़ भी दिलवा दें। उन्हों ने आवेदन देखा और कहा यह ग्राम पंचायत की गोपनीय जानकारी है, हम नहीं दे सकते।

मैं: पर यह तो आम जानकारी है। मैं यहाँ का निवासी हूँ, मेरे गाँव में काम और उनका बजट है। यह जानना तो मेरा हक़ है।

सचिव: नहीं, यह गोपनीय जानकारी है। आप सूचना के अधिकार के तहत कहीं और आवेदन करें, वहाँ से आज्ञा आने पर देदेंगे।

मैं: ठीक है, आप आवेदन लेलें, और उसकी प्रति जो मेरे पास रहेगी, उस पर लिखदें कि यह जानकारी ग्राम पंचायत से नहीं मिल सकती, मुझे सूचाना के अधिकार के तहत आवेदन करना पड़ेगा।

सचिव: मैं आवेदन लेलुंगी, पर कुछ भी लिख कर नहीं दूँगी।

मैं: ठीक है, आप आवेदन लेलें और मुझे इस की प्रतिलिपि पर प्राप्ति रसीद देदें।

सचिव: नहीं, मैं प्राप्ति रसीद भी नहीं दूँगी।

मैं: आप सरकारी अधिकारी हैं, मैं कुछ आवेदन कर रहा हूँ, आप को लगे कि आवेदन में चाही गई जानकारी नहीं दी जासकती तो मत दें। पर प्राप्ति की रसीद तो दें।

सचिव: नहीं, मैं नहीं दूँगी।

मैंने कुछ आवेदन तहसीलदार, उप-जिला मजिस्ट्रेट और कलेक्टर के यहाँ भी किए हैं, सब ने मुझे प्राप्ति रसीद या तो स्वयं दी या अपने सचिव से दिलवाई। पर इन सचिव महोदया ने साफ माना कर दिया। मैं जानता हैं, आप सब की तरह, कि सरकारी अधिकारी अपने गुरूर में काम भी नहीं करेंगे, और लिख कर भी नहीं देंगे। यह आम बात है। यही तरीका इन्हों ने अपनाया।

मैं: अच्छा यह बतादें की सूचना के अधिकार के लिए आवेदन किस अधिकारी के पास करूँ?

सचिव: आप जानते होंगे। आप को पता भी है कि ये सूचना के अधिकार से ही मिलेगा, आप सिर्फ यहाँ हंगामा करने आए हैं।

यह भी आरोप कि मैं दिखाना चाहता हूँ कि मैं क्या चीज हूँ। यह शुद्ध बदतमीजी थी।

खैर। मैंने इस के बाद उन से प्रस्ताव की प्रति (जो हम बाहर से बनवाकर लाये थे) मांगी। उन्हों ने किसी से फोन पर बात की और कहा कि यह भी नहीं देंगी। मुझे यह भी, जो मेरे बारे में है, सूचना के अधिकार से ही मिलेगी। खैर मैंने सरपंच के घर जा कर उनको दस्तावेजों के लिए आवेदन दिया, उनके पति ने उन से प्राप्ति रसीद भी दिलवादी।

यह किस्सा मैंने इस लिए लिखा कि सचिव सिरे से गलत थीं।

एक, जो दस्तावेज़ मैंने मांगे थे इन में से कुछ तो सार्वजनिक तौर पर राजस्थान सरकार की साइट पर हैं। कोई सरकार गोपनीय दस्तावेज़ सार्वजनिक साइट पर अपलोड नहीं करती। यह मुझे पता था। इसी लिए मैंने उन से आग्रह किया कि ये गोपनीय नहीं हैं।

दो, घर आ कर मैंने राजस्थान सरकार के पंचायती राज विभाग की साइट से पंचायती राज नियमों की प्रति डाउनलोड की। इस में नियम 321 से 331 तक पढ़ने से पता चलता है कि कोई भी व्यक्ति या स्वयं सेवी संस्था ये सूचनाएँ बहुत थोड़ा शुल्क दे कर देख सकता है, वहाँ बैठ कर नोट्स ले सकता है, और 200 शब्दों पर 2 रुपये के हिसाब से शुल्क दे कर प्रतिलिपि ले सकता है। इस में सूचना के अधिकार में जाने की जरूरत नहीं है। सचिव ने मुझे गलत सूचना दी। यह मानना मुश्किल है कि उनको ये नियम पता नहीं थे। मैंने कई बार पूछा भी कि वे वह नियम बताएं जिस के तहत ये सूचनाएँ गोपनीय हैं। वे झगड़ालू अंदाज में मेरे से पूछने लगीं कि मैं नियम बताऊँ जिसके तहत ये गोपनीय नहीं हैं।

तो पंचायत सिरियल आम जन की दृष्टि से ऐसा भी दिख सकता है।

एक चीज में मैं निश्चित नहीं हूँ: क्या कोई सरकारी अधिकारी आवेदन ले कर प्राप्ति रसीद देने से इनकार कर सकता है? इस के बारे में मुझे कहीं कोई नियम नहीं मिला। कोई जानकार व्यक्ति इसे पढ़े तो कृपया उचित संदर्भ किन्हीं नियमों का बताएं, राजस्थान के ही चाहिएँ। मुझे सहज बुद्धी से लग रहा है अधिकारी मेरे आवेदन को निरस्त तो कर सकता है, पर ले कर प्राप्ति रसीद से इनकार नहीं कर सकता। पर कोई ठोस नियम चाहिए।  

लिखने का एक कारण यह भी रहा है कि शायद इस को पचाने में मदद मिले। 😊

******

22 अगस्त 2023


UNHRC resolution A/HRC/53/L.23 will do immense harm to Human Rights

July 14, 2023

Rohit Dhankar

The UNHRC have delt a severe blow to one of the fundamental human-rights of free speech and expression by passing a resolution titled ‘Countering religious hatred constituting incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence’. The irony is that the resolution is occasioned by burning of Quran, the religious book that incites “to discrimination, hostility or violence” on almost every single page of it.

Curtailing free speech and expression will curtail autonomy of thinking and action, freedom of choice. Autonomy of choice is the most important mark of being human. The resolution goes against being human.

The UNHRC has proved that the world buckles under the threat of violence too easily. A group determined, violent and capable of starting large scale violence can easily control what is considered right or wrong by humans. Humans seem to be very weak-minded creatures who can think only in a confused manner when facing a threat to their existence.

The resolution urges to speak against “desecration of sacred books that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence”. But seem to be quite unaware that most of the “sacred books” themselves “constitutes incitement to discrimination, (and) hostility”.

One of the most important sources of power of Islam is its ability to create violence at large scale. The idea of Islam is not to have freedom to practice it for its adherents, it is that the non-believers should not be able to do anything that this religion does not like. It is not to practice one’s religion but to control others not to act in manners counter to Islamic preaching. Or alternatively the very practice of Islam constitutes forcing non-believers to act according to its tenets only, at the least in the public. This mentality has won in the UNHRC.

In will increase the belligerence of Islam and incite other religions to take to the same path of controlling others through threat of violence.

All religions have elements of discrimination and dislike for non-believers in them. But the people who believe in them can choose to weed them out. Islam till date is not able to do that weeding out. Also, all religions have their own bigots who want to make their religion supreme and force its values on others. But the larger population of believers in them can control and keep them under check. In Islam there are very few who would counter such a tendency boldly.

This resolution will encourage competitive bigotry. And it will become more and more difficult for the saner population in all religions to keep the bigots in control. It will do immense harm to human rights.

******


Debating UCC: How legitimate are the grounds to oppose it?

July 8, 2023

Rohit Dhankar

The current UCC debate is as divided and vicious as everything else in our politics. Prof. Amartya Sen calls implementation of UCC a stupid idea, says The Hindu, “I saw in the papers today that there should not be any further delay in implementation of Uniform Civil Code. Where did such a stupid thing come from? We have been without UCC for thousands of years and can also be without it in future,” as quoted in The Hindu. Most other liberal intellectuals also oppose the idea of UCC.

However, they continuously talk of secularism, equal rights and democracy. According to one of our most prominent intellectual Prof. Romila Thapar secularism begins with uniform civil code, “Secularising India has to begin with a uniform civil code that ensures equal rights to all citizens without exceptions according to eminent historian Romila Thapar. “Religion impinges on every human rights in the civil law — whether its birth, death, marriage, divorce, — the religions have laws on all of these,” and so making India secular necessarily means demarcating religion out of our social institutions.” That was in 2015, I have not seen Prof. Thapar’s recent statements on implementation of UCC, but do hope that she is capable of maintaining consistency in her views.

In this piece I am trying to understand why Prof. Thapar might have said that secularism begins with UCC and religions impinge on civil rights, therefore, making India secular necessarily means demarcating religion out of our social institutions. And at the same time why people who share her ideology and democratic concern are opposing the UCC today. 

Debate on principles

Let’s start with commonly known basic principles. The constitution of India guarantees in the preamble to all its citizens justice, liberty, equality and assurance of safeguarding their human dignity.

The constitution also guarantees equality before the law in article 14: “The State shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of India.” In article 15 it further states that “15.(1) The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them.” Further in the directive principles the constitution directs the state that it “shall endeavour to secure for the citizens a uniform civil code throughout the territory of India.”

Therefore, as far as the Constitution of India is concerned the Uniform Civil Code is a must, and the fact that it is still not in place is just a failure of the state, an unfinished business of secular constitution making. Let’s note that those who are opposing the UCC are all opposing the above-mentioned articles of the constitution of India which we are duty bound to upheld, respect and follow; because we gave it to ourselves.

Let’s further examine why the constitution makes such provisions? What are the fundamental humanitarian principles which form basis for such guarantees and stipulations in the constitution?

Democracy is premised on the assumption that each individual is worthwhile in herself (I am using “her”, “herself” “she” etc. as all-inclusive pronoun here. That is, all genders and sexes are included, be they male, female or trance or whatever). In a democracy wellbeing of each individual is important, and she herself is the best judge of her own wellbeing. Which means she is autonomous in choices made in goals, relationships to be cherished or avoided, carriers to be pursued, and all other aspects of her personal life. With the only proviso that she must allow the same right of free choice to all others as well, and be prepared to regulate her life according to the principles derived from universal acceptance of these principles.

The idea that all humans are alike in some respects, and is important enough to base our morality on, is an old one.  A glimpse of this universal (withing the citizens’ group) principle can be discerned in many age-old texts, for example in the Mahabharata principle of

न तत्परस्य संदाद्यातात्प्रतिकूलम यदात्मन: ।

एष संक्षिप्तो धर्मेर्ततवप्र: यन्दामकः ॥ (Mahabharata 13.114.08)

Which means “[O]ne should never do that to another which one regards as injurious to one’s own self. This, in brief, is the rule of Righteousness. One by acting in a different way by yielding to desire, becomes guilty of unrighteousness.” (Translation Pratap Chandra Roy, The Mahabharata of Krishna-Dwaipayana Vyasa, published by Oriental Publishing Co., Calcutta.)

A close reading of this principle will make it clear that it is recommending accepting all humans as yourself, that is as far as moral principle goes, “equal to you”. It also accepts “your” autonomy in choice of your behaviour with others. Autonomy granted to “you” coupled with the principle of equality leads to autonomy to all others as well. Mahabharata does not give this interpretation, nor have I seen it anywhere. But that is how I interpret it, and quoting here with this meaning.

In modern age a more sophisticated and better argued similar principle is given by Kant:

act only in accordance with that maxim through which you can at the same time will that it become a universal law. (Kant, Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals, page 31. Cambridge Edition)

For the purpose of this short piece no further detailed arguments are required to take that the equality and autonomy of all are two fundamental values in a democracy.

These twin values indicate that a democracy which does not safeguard these values fails to safeguard human dignity and is flawed in degree exactly proportional to the violation of these values. And that demands that the citizens of a democracy must be governed by one law, and all must be given equal protection of that law. Also, implied is that all must be mated out equal punishment for equal breach of that law.

Civil Law deals with property, money, housing, divorce, custody of a child in the event of divorce, succession, etc. All these are perhaps most important matters in an individual’s life and have profound effect on her wellbeing. Autonomy and equality in all these matters are directly implied by the above-mentioned fundamental principles of democracy, and the constitution of India.

Another aspect of the civil law is that it must be initiated by the aggrieved individual or organisation to become operational. No civil suite can be automatically initiated, a party has to approach the court to claim that her rights are violated. The object of civil law is to safeguard rights of the individual citizens.

Let’s take an example. From legal perspective Hindu daughters are granted a share equal to their brothers in their father’s property. But in reality, particularly in rural farming families, the daughters do not claim their share. Neither in the landed and immovable property nor in the bank accounts etc. Some of them follow the customs of their castes, which may involves all that belonged to the mother goes to the daughters, and in lieu of the landed property a system of customary gifts over a long time, actually till the daughters’ children are married are given by the brothers. All this may be for whatever reasons or may be good or bad, important point here is that the legal system does not interfere in all this till a daughter invokes the law and goes to the court. Which means the law basically grants the daughter equal share of property, but leaves it on her judgment to claim it or not. The law does not automatically punish the brothers who do not give equal share to her. This empowers the daughter and grants her autonomy in the matter, without making brothers automatically liable to share their property.

Therefore, anyone who opposes Uniform Civil Code in principle opposes democracy. She disallows autonomy, freedom and dignity to some or other section of the citizens. And simultaneously grants more rights than others to some sections of the citizens. This is an untenable position for anyone who professes democracy and declares herself a defender of it.

Debate on particulars

In the raging debate on UCC one argument is that the particular provisions of UCC will go against the minorities, particularly the Muslims. This fallacious form of argumentation is very popular among a section of Indian intelligentsia. This moves on some obnoxious unfounded assumptions they take as proven facts. For example, in the debate around National Register of Citizens (NRC) it was assumed that if such a process comes into effect it will disenfranchise the Muslims because: (a) it will demand papers to prove citizenship, (b) many Muslims will not be able to provide the papers, (c) even if they do, the government officials will harass them. They refused to believe that there could be safeguards against such problems.

They have the same argument against laws that prohibit religious conversions by fraud, force and allurements. If one accepts these arguments, then there can be no laws to protect people’s rights and national interest. Consider laws concerning rape, atrocities on SC/ST and laws against harassment for dowery. There are many instances of misuse of some of these laws, but the double-standard allows the same people to push for making these laws even more strict, while the previous ones are opposed on the basis of this fallacious argument of possible misuse. The law per se and it’s misuse in a corrupt system are two different issues. There can be no law that cannot be misused by a corrupt system. That does not lead to the conclusion that there should be no laws at all.

The issues on particular provisions of the UCC can be debated only when a draft of the proposed law is available. If one opposes UCC on the pretext of it becoming majoritarian or against Muslims or other minorities without referring to particular provisions, she is actually opposing it in principle and is guilty of arguing against autonomy, equality and dignity of some citizens; and bestowing special rights over and above other citizens to some chosen ones.

It would be useful if some reader suggested even a hypothetically possible provision in the future UCC that will go against any community but at the same time will not violate any rights given by the constitution to individual citizens.

Where do these unproven assumptions come from?

Most of the arguments against UCC seem to fall in this last discussed category. The issue for the people who advance such arguments is not to gather evidence and then draw their conclusion logically from that. It is other way round: arrive at a conclusion, and then cherry pick evidence for it. They seem to have already arrived at their conclusion: “UCC is bad and against Muslims”. Now their job is to convince everyone else to accept this conclusion and produce seemingly sound arguments for this.

In the above mentioned quote of Prof. Sen, he calls the idea of implementation “stupid” and connects it with Hindu Rashtra. He is talking against the constitution, against the claim made about secularism by Prof. Thapar in 2015, and against basic humanitarian principles that form the foundation of the constitution. His followers want no arguments from him, no evidence is needed; his proclamation is enough for them. And of course, they are the most prominent ‘intellectuals and guardians’ of democracy!

As an illustrative example of this kind of writing one can take Prof. Apoorvanand’s article published in The Wire titled “Muslims and the UCC: The Fear of Majoritarianism Is Real and Can’t Be Brushed Aside”.

The whole article says absolutely nothing about the merits or demerits of UCC in principle. Makes no claim whatsoever regarding particular provisions it might have that may hurt Muslim interests or feelings or restrict their religious practices. Nothing at all on these counts. And still, it makes an argument against UCC! On what basis? The article trades in fear, as the subtitle declares according to Prof. Apoorvanand this fear “Can’t Be Brushed Aside”.

Well, if the fear is the issue, then there are several questions:

  • Does such a fear really exist or is it only a pretension?
  • If it exists, it is fear of what? Of some interference in their essential religious practices or “banning their supposed privilege” to trample on other citizens legitimate democratic rights? Or banning having a state within a state?
  • If it exists, and of whatever it might be, does it have any rational grounds or imagined as a result of some victimhood mentality supported by illogical theories?
  • And finally, even if such a fear exists, should the legal system of a country run on the basis of such fear or on the rational humanitarian democratic principles?

Let’s examine how the wise professor established legitimacy of grounds of such a fear. In support of his contention the professor gives example of political movements and states that “[Wh]ether it was Ram Manohar Lohia or JP or Vishwanath Pratap Singh, Muslims supported each one of them, knowing well that they were all taking the support of the majoritarian Jana Sangh or the Bharatiya Janata Party.” May be, in politics people do take support from various factions of the population. The real issue is whether JP, Lohia and VP Singh campaigned for any majoritarian demand? He sighted none. His problem is Jana Sangh and BJP. Every one who supported anti-CAA, anti-NRC protests and farmers protests actively sought support of communal and divisive elements, for example Khalistan movement and radical Muslim groups. Would the professor therefore consider these movements anti-Hindu, anti-Nation, divisive, and demanding Minority domination?

He proclaims that “[M]ajoritarianism will never cause Hindus to suffer the way Muslims and Christians do.” And in support of this contention lists several charges. “Hindu is not forced to sing Vande Mataram or chant ‘Jai Shri Ram’. A Hindu is not beaten up for carrying meat or cooking and eating it at home.” He is right. But this is rift in the population, not a legal sanction. And in response a Hindu can say that “a Muslim does not run the risk of getting his throat slitted because he said something that Hindu scriptures themselves admit”. “Muslims do not face the danger of bomb blasts in their areas because of some disgruntled Hindu”. These tensions in the people are unfortunate and should be dealt with appropriate sternness. But the Muslims are no less a cause in this tension than the Hindus are.

The professor goes on “A Hindu man is not arrested for marrying a Muslim girl. A Hindu husband does not face jail for deserting his wife. A Hindu’s house is not demolished with bulldozers for participating in an agitation.” In these three charges there is involvement of the state. I am doubtful if a Muslim man is arrested for marrying a Hindu unless the girl or her parents seek justice against some wrong doing by the Muslim man. And exactly the same thing happens when a Hindu man marries a Muslim girl and either the girl or per parents go to the police complaining fraud or torture or forcible conversion.

Yes, its is true a Hindu husband does not face jail for deserting his wife. But his wife can go to the court and demand restoration of conjugal rights. Failing that can demand alimony. A Muslim wife does not have this option after triple talaq. A Muslim man does not face jail term ranging up to 10 years for marrying a second or a third of a fourth wife, or not telling his future wife before hand that he is already married. A Hindu man does. Does that make this state a Minority-dominated state?

Demolishing houses for any crime or agitation can not be supported or condoned. But there are always counter claims that only those properties are demolished which were constructed on illegally occupied land. This requires much more objective research than simply believing one sided report.

He declares Hindus as “[T]he actual victims of a siege mentality”. Well, are not Christians and Muslims making all out efforts to convert Hindus by fraud and allurements? Are not lakhs of illegal immigrants in India coming from Bangladesh and Myanmar? Are not there regular alarming news reports of Hindu girls murdered or forcibly converted by Muslim men?

So, there are accusations and counter accusations from both sides. Is there any serious attempt to investigate the reality of these; and either corroborating and addressing these allegations; or alternatively debunking them on the basis of evidence rather than pontificating opinions?

And finally: what does all this has to do with the UCC? How does the professor know that the UCC is going to be a majoritarian law? Has he seen the draft? Can anyone, including Professor Apoorvanand give even a possible imaginary example of a provision which will be anti-Muslim and simultaneously will not violate any of the fundamental rights of citizens? A law being against the sentiments of this or that section of population is no argument against it; as long as it does not curtail any fundamental rights of citizens. And such arguments are even more unacceptable if the law in question also empowers some citizens to take better control of their own lives. In other words, if a law empowers some citizens and does not violate legitimate freedoms of any other, there can be no reasonable grounds to oppose it. And those who do oppose such possible laws are working against democracy and secularism. Their stand becomes even more vicious if in the past they have been themselves arguing for equality and autonomy in the laws, but opposed it now just because they hate the party which wants to bring this law. They fail to understand that BJP just by emphasizing it’s long standing demand is making them oppose equality, freedom of choice and democracy.

****** 8th July 2023


CBPS@25 I Rohit Dhankar I Education as a Public Good: Key to Sustainable…

June 14, 2023

My presentation on education as a public good.


Swinging the pendulum in opposite direction and knowledge

May 16, 2023

Rohit Dhankar

A friend expressed the following thoughts on a forum we have created for discussions on philosophy of education: “I read that there has been some deletions in the NCERT History textbooks.

Some are saying this is done to reduce the unnecessary burden on students, while others are of the opinion that this step is political in nature.

In this context, please may I know what is knowledge (is it simply justified true belief) and whose knowledge is considered as knowledge? How is knowledge created?

First about NCERT

The issue of reduction of curricular load

I have not followed this issue due to lack of time and energy. However, my impression is that the deletions happened during COVID19 in the name of “rationalization of the syllabus”. Even at that time the term “rationalization” was grossly abused in this context, unless it was used in the derogatory sense when ‘one tries to justify unjustifiable by giving flimsy unconvincing reasons’. In the positive sense of rationalization one requires adequate criteria to workout what should be removed and for what reasons. Simply because the schools were disrupted and there was not adequate teaching, truncating syllabus is no good reason to my mind. Second, even if one wants to do that, one has to take into consideration the overall structure, epistemology, spirit and purposes of the subject to reduce curricular load. And that cannot be done simply by dropping chapters or paragraphs or sentences from a text. Any textbook, worth its name, should have a coherence and integrity, and this kind of deletion will destroy that.

Thus, to me this make-believe rationalization was a bad idea from educational point of view. I seem to remember having written something like this somewhere.

The issue of ideological biases in deletions

There were several articles at that time arguing that chapters on Muslim rulers, on social inequalities and people’s movements were either removed or truncated. NCERT issued a huge list of deleted content, I did not see a single article analysing the list in the light of the objectives of the subjects and making an argument for or against it. Everyone rode his own hobbyhorse and blamed for this or that ignoring everything else.

It seems (I am not sure, as said above did not follow this issue carefully) now the NCERT has published new books in the truncated form and that version has become the formal textbooks. I will look at the three questions raised by my friend in the light of this background.

The questions

Before we come to the questions proper, let’s look at the statement “others are of the opinion that this step is political in nature”. Well, everything in curriculum is political in nature. If public agitations and inequalities are highlighted this is political in nature because it gives a particular view of the society and highlights the need to change in power equations. If agitations and inequalities are hidden and glossed over, this is gain political in nature, because it wants to maintain the status quo. The real issue is which politics is based on correct information and proper democratic concerns that may help in wellbeing of all people in India. So, basically it is “my politics is good your politics is bad” issue. Therefore, I will interpret this statement as “ideological reasons which go against principles of democracy and general wellbeing of people”.

The questions paraphrased for convenience are as follows:

  1. In this context, what is knowledge (is it simply justified true belief)?
  2. Whose knowledge is considered as knowledge?
  3. How is knowledge created?

In this context, what is knowledge (is it simply justified true belief)?

Why knowledge should be anything different in this context? Why should this question even arise? I don’t know. Yes, knowledge (propositional variety) in the traditional western epistemology is “justified true belief”. It may have its problems, inadequacies and limitations. But as far as I know no better general formulation is available which helps humans better than this one in making this difficult question at the least somewhat manageable.

However, this definition of knowledge is applicable only to propositions. Therefore, it is important to know what the proposition under investigation is. Consider the following:

  1. NCERT deleted some parts of textbooks.
  2. NCERT deleted portions which emphasize contribution of Muslim rulers or inequality or people’s struggles. (They are three different propositions)
  3. NCERT deletions are biased as they deleted more portions concerned with contribution of Muslim rulers or inequality or people’s struggles. (They are three different propositions)
  4. NCERT deletions are politically motivated in favour of an ideology that goes against democratic principles.

They are different propositions, and each must be considered carefully. The truth of proposition a) can be easily established, justification involve only looking at the new books and comparing them with the old ones. Proposition b) can be settled equally easily, by comparing old and new books. Proposition c) would require a careful study of all the material deleted and logic (if any given) behind such deletion and arriving at a judgment will be required. One has to formulate criteria for such comparison. Proposition d) will require a much more careful study of all the material deleted, its importance in the overall scheme of the books and objectives of education at that stage, and a much more complex argument has to be built. And it may not be as straight forward as calling it simply true or false, or fully justified or having reasonable justification. Here, interpretation and degrees of justification will play a role and possibility of doubt or challenge, or dispute will remain. It may never reach the status of “justified true belief” and one may have to be satisfied with more or less reasonable opinion or more or less reasonable belief.

But the criteria and definition remain the same. Their practical application becomes calibrated according to the complexity of the context.

Whose knowledge is considered as knowledge?

This question never stops amusing me, I am not sure whether I understand this one properly or not. Suppose a bank manager says that a customer has to pay Rs.12,000/- as interest for Rs.1,00,000/- s/he took from the bank at an agreed upon annual rate of 12%. Also suppose the customer says that the interest of Rs.1,00,000/- at 12% annual rate for one year is only Rs.9,350/-. “Whose knowledge is accepted as knowledge?” The customer’s or the bank managers? I find it strange to ask this question in such a situation.

Suppose a physicist claims that the gravitational pull of the earth is less at the top of Everest compared to the same at the sea level in Bombay. And a so-called gyani says that “no, it is the same”. Whose knowledge is accepted as knowledge?

Well, accepted by whom? By a rational audience which understand what is involved in knowledge claims, the proposition that is better justified on publicly agreed criteria for truth and justification should be accepted. And for that claim to be certified as knowledge, it’s truth has to be justified. As far as acceptance in the society is concerned it may be anything. Many charlatans can make public accept their propounded dogmas and claims, that does not make those dogmas knowledge. People may believe that Kamadhenu produced an army of warriors to protect Vishwamitra, others can believe Muhammad travelled to heaven on a donkey in one night, still others can believe a virgin girl can give birth to a child. And there are people “who” propound these beliefs and make people believe. Does that make these false claims knowledge?

So, I don’t understand what exactly this question means.

How is knowledge created?

Depends what knowledge is being created. Different forms of knowledge may involve different ways of knowledge creation and/or ascertaining. There are also various theories. However, basic assumptions, concepts, observations, logic and developing arguments are often involved. I have briefly hinted at what procedures and considerations may be involved in the deciding about the propositions a) to d) above.

My personal views on the NCERT issue

As I have said twice above, I have not studied the issue. But from my general involvement in social, political and education issues in India I have formed some tentative views. They are presently only my ‘working beliefs’, to justify them rigorously I may have to work more.

History teaching in Indian schools has been deliberately biased since the very beginning. The Zakir Hussain report on Basic National Education wants to high light love, peace, and triumph of non-violence over wars and violent victories in history teaching in schools. To me this is indoctrination, not teaching history. One can systematically show the balancing trick to whitewash destruction and atrocities by some Muslim rulers. Those interested can read my article herehttps://rohitdhankar.com/2022/06/13/when-the-denial-hurts-more-than-the-destruction/ .

However, the present-day government wants to push the pendulum in the opposite direction. As whitewashing atrocities of Muslim rulers and Muslim politics in freedom movement did no good to India; demonising all Muslim rulers and making Hindu rulers paragon of virtue also will do no good.

Our school history was biased (strongly) in one direction, now the government seems to want to reverse that bias in opposite direction. The bias was deliberate on the basis of conscious decision, politically motivated against democratic right of people to know the truth as it is. The current movement is also politically motivated against democratic right of people to know the truth as it is, though the lie propagated now is different than the lie propagated earlier.

You have nagnath in place of sanpnath (सांपनाथ की जगह नागनाथ). Congratulations.

*****


ज्ञान और शिक्षा

January 10, 2023

यह पोस्ट थोड़ी अलग है। इस बार कोई आलेख नहीं, बल्कि एक छोटा-सा विचार पत्रक है।

यह मूलतः शिक्षा-दर्शन संवाद ८ में भागीदारी के लिए है। पर मैंने सोचा कुछ और लोगों के विचार मिल जायें तो मुझे ज्ञान और शिक्षा के रिसते को कुछ और बेहतर समझने में मदद मिलेगी। अतः यह एक तरह से मदद के लिए अपील है। 🙂 यह बच्चों की पाठ्यपुस्तक पर आधारित है, अतः शिक्षकों और शिक्षकों के साथ काम करने वाले लोगों के लिए विशेष रूप से है।

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विचार पत्रक के लिए यहाँ क्लिक करें: आरंभिक विचार-१

धन्यवाद।


लब पे आती है दुआ और वंदे मातरम

December 24, 2022

रोहित धनकर

विद्यालय में की जाने वाली एक प्रार्थना:

“लब पे आती है दुआ बन के तमन्ना मेरी

ज़िन्दगी शम्मा की सूरत हो ख़ुदाया मेरी

हो मेरे दम से यूंही मेरे वतन की जीनत (खूबसूरती)

जिस तरह फूल से होती है चमन की जीनत

ज़िन्दगी हो मेरी परवाने की सूरत यारब

इल्म की शम्मा से हो मुझको मुहब्बत यारब

हो मेरा काम गरीबों की हिमायत करना

दर्दमंदों से ज़ईफों से मुहब्बत रखना

मेरे अल्लाह बुराई से बचाना मुझको

नेक जो राह हो उस राह पे चलाना मुझ को”

इस प्रार्थना पर उत्तर प्रदेश में शिक्षकों के विरुद्ध शिकायत दर्जी हुई है, ऐसी खबर है। मुझे पता नहीं कि यह बिलकुल वही प्रार्थना है जिस पर शिकायत हुई है, क्यों कि इस के एक से अधिक रूप इंटरनेट पर उपलब्ध है। पर सब में ये पंक्तियाँ भी है। अतः यह जिस पर ऐतराज हुआ है उस प्रार्थना से बहुत अलग नहीं होनी चाहिए।

इस प्रार्थना में ऐसा क्या है जिस पर ऐतराज हो? मेरे विचार से कुछ भी नहीं। और मैं मानता हूँ की इस पर ऐतराज करना गलत है।  मुझे विद्यालयों में सभी प्रार्थनाएं काबीले ऐतराज लगती हैं। कोई भी प्रार्थना नहीं होनी चाहिए। पर यदि होती है, तो यह उतनी ही कबीले ऐतराज है जितनी अन्य प्रार्थनायें। पर असल बात इस प्रार्थना का अर्थ नहीं है। असल बात राजनीति का एक रूप है, जिस के चलते इस पर शिकायत की गई है।

इस समस्या को समझने की कोशिश करते हैं। सब से पहले तो इन पंक्तियों को देखिये: “मेरे अल्लाह बुराई से बचाना मुझको, नेक जो राह हो उस राह पे चलाना मुझ को”। अब इन पंक्तियों की तुलना कुरान की इन आयतों से करिए: 1.6 और 7 “हमें सीधा रास्ता दिखा। उन लोगों का रास्ता जिन पर तूने फ़्ज़्ल किया। उनका नहीं जिन पर तेरा गज़ब हुआ और न उन लोगों का जो रास्ते से भटक गए।” आयात 1.5 पढ़ने से साफ पता चलता है कि यह अल्लाह को मानने और केवल और केवल उसी की इबादत से संबन्धित है। 1.5 “हम तेरी ही इबादत करते हैं और तुझी से मदद चाहते हैं।” मौलाना आज़ाद ने साफ किया है यहाँ अर्थ यह है कि हम किसी भी और की इबादत नहीं करते। यह केवल अल्लाह की इबादत करने की बात नहीं है, बल्की और किसी की भी इबादत करने की मनाही भी है।

तो इस अर्थ में सही राह क्या है? “अल्लाह की और केवल उसी की इबादत करना”। और ये कौन हैं जिन पर गज़ब हुआ अल्लाह का? हिलाली के अनुसार यहूदी और ईसाई। क्यों? क्यों कि उन लोगों ने अल्लाह के अलावा किसी और की इबादत की। तो ये आखिरी पंक्तियां सिर्फ और सिर्फ अल्लाह को, और किसी को भी नहीं, मानने से संबन्धित हो सकती है।

पर ऐसे तो सभी प्रार्थनाओं को किसी न किसी मजहबी किताब से जोड़ कर, और उस की ऐतराज वाली बातों की तरफ ध्यान दिला कर, अनुचित ठहराया जा सकता है। कोई भी प्रार्थना, चाहे उसमें राम का नाम आए, ईश्वर का या अल्लाह का, इस तरह की समस्याओं से बाहर नहीं होगी। यहाँ हमें यह समझना पड़ेगा कि “अल्लाह”, “गॉड” और “ईश्वर” की धारणाओं में फर्क हैं। आम बोलचाल में हम इन्हें एक ही मानते हैं। पर अल्लाह और गॉड अपने अलावा किसी और की इबादत को दंडित करते हैं। ईश्वर नहीं करता। अर्थात ईश्वर अल्लाह और गॉड को स्वीकार कर सकता है, पर अल्लाह और गॉड ईश्वर को और एक-दूसरे को नहीं। यह भी शास्त्रीय अवधारणा के बारे में हैं। आम लोग तो एक साथ जीना चाहते हैं और उन्हें एक ही मानते हैं। अतः इस पर ऐतराज भी कोई अच्छी बात तो नहीं है।

फिर भी यदि हम इस समस्या को समझना चाहते हैं तो हमें इतिहास में पीछे जाना पड़ेगा। हमें यह देखना होगा कि बहुत से मुसलमानों को “वंदे मातरम” और “भारत माता की जय” से ऐतराज है। ये दोनों ऐतराज एक ही श्रेणी के हैं। यदि आप कुछ मुसलमानों के  “वंदे मातरम” और “भारत माता की जय” को बुरा भला नहीं कहते तो आप कुछ हिंदुओं के “मेरे अल्लाह बुराई से बचाना मुझको” पर ऐतराज को भी बुरा-भला नहीं कह सकते।

मुझे नहीं लगता इन पंक्तियों पर ऐतराज करने वाले हिंदुओं को वास्तव में “पंक्तियों” से ऐतराज है। उन्हें “वंदे मातरम” पर ऐतराज से ऐतराज है। उन्हें हमारे कथित बौद्धिकों के दोगलेपन से ऐतराज है।

अंत में एक बार फिर: मैं इन पंक्तियों पर बवाल को बिलकुल अनुचित और समाज में दुराव पैदा करने वाला काम मानता हूँ। पर मैं “वंदे मातरम” पर ऐतराज को भी अनुचित और समाज में दुराव पैदा करने वाला काम मानता हूँ। और यह भी मानता हूँ कि शुरुआत “वंदे मातरम” (और ऐसी ही अन्य चीजों) पर  ऐतराज से हुई है। यह उस की प्रतिकृया है। यदि हम इन चीजों को रोकना चाहते हैं तो हमें दोनों से खुलेपन का आग्रह करना पड़ेगा। इस में भेदभाव शायद अब और नहीं चलेगा।

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24 दिसंबर 2022