Rohit Dhankar
Professor V. Santhakumar’s article “Indian Culture, Secularism and Education: Let us be Realistic and Pragmatic” completely misses the point regarding secularism in education due to misinterpretation of the ideal of secularism. He assumes that the central point in the ideal of secularism is to make disappear “non-secular ways of life through” secular education and that there is a necessary dichotomy between emphasis on Indian culture on one hand and secularism on the other in school education.
The
declaration of Indian constitution “to secure to all its citizens: JUSTICE, social, economic and
political; LIBERTY of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship; EQUALITY of status and of opportunity;
and to promote among them all FRATERNITY
assuring the dignity of the individual” is an
embodiment of secular ideal in the constitution, right from the beginning, despite
of not having the word “secular” in it before 42nd amendment. The
declaration in the preamble does not make a distinction on the basis of
religion among the citizens and is not guided by any religious doctrine. It is
a state policy which implies in its very proclamation that ‘religious doctrine
and ideals’ are not going to govern or influence the relationship between the
citizens and the nation state.
For the rigour of this blog
piece it is enough to say that secularism “in the twentieth century has come to
refer to two interrelated practices: (1) a mode of political organization in
which the state is neutral with reference to all established religions; and (2)
later in the century, a political practice of the state that protects the
rights of minorities in a multicultural society”.[1] The ideal
of secularism then is an ideal to be followed by the state; in separating its
policy from the religion and religious considerations. And it is not about
making people abandon their religious or communitarian practices. Some
religious practices, however, may have to be restricted in case they interfere
with others’ rights and entitlements; that will be necessary for the state to
fulfil its promise to all its citizens. I will discuss some such cases below.
Strictly for the present
purpose, if we take the promises of justice, liberty, equality and dignity made
by Indian constitution in its preamble (and then expanded in fundamental rights)
then the state, on certain occasions, may come into conflict with religious
practices of various communities. The constitution makes these promises to the ‘individuals’
not to ‘religious communities’ and makes these promises to all its citizens
without any consideration of their practiced or professed faiths.
If a religion prescribes
unequal treatment to its adherents then the state has to take note of it, and if
any individual approaches the state with a complaint of injustice or inequality
or encroachment upon his/her liberty etc. then the state is duty bound to protect
its promises made to individuals irrespective of their religious affiliations. For
example, from this perspective whatever the religious communities may believe
the state cannot allow unequal access to public facilities (public transport,
hotels) in the name of caste. If the state decides for health and other reasons
to ban marriage before 18 years, then it cannot make considerations on the
basis of Manu’s criteria of marrying a girl before puberty or Mohammad’s
example of marrying a girl of 9 years. In such cases a secular state
necessarily comes into conflict with practices recommended by religions. But
this is because these practices trample on girl’s rights grow up as free
individuals.
In India we are not very
secular in our lives and the state actually does not fulfil the promises it made
in the constitution. (That, however, does not make secular ideals any less
important.) Our politicians indulge into non-secular practices as office bearers
of state (Modi’s meditation in the cave) and we have state schemes that are
non-secular in character (Kejriwal’s promise to send elderly Delhi residents on
religious tourism on public exchequer). Modi and Kejriwal are free to practice
their religion in their personal life, but not as office bearers and as state
schemes. That is what secularism means.
If a religion wants to encroach
on public spaces in the name of Ganesh or Durga puja or in the name of Friday
namaz, it is the duty of the state to protect other citizens’ right to use
those spaces; and not to advise people to stop either Ganesh/Durga puja or
Friday namaz. That is none of the states business, all the state is concerned
is that you practice your religion privately.
If a religion does not want
to give women equal share in ancestral property, as was the case with Hindu
women till as recently as 2005 and is the case with the Muslim women today, then
the state is duty bound to protect the individual right of the woman who considers
herself wronged. If the state does not do that with all women whatever their
religion than it is not fulfilling the constitutional promise. However, if the
woman herself in pursuance of her religious beliefs forfeits her rightful
share, then the state, as far as I understand, has no business interfering in
it. Professor Santhakumar assumes that the secular ideal is about not allowing
the woman to donate her property to her brothers under her exploitative
religious beliefs; as far as I understand, that is not the case, it is only if
the woman wants her equal share, the state should ensure that she gets it. The
secular ideal provides a framework of liberties and entitlements to each
individual irrespective of their religion, it does not force them to depart
from their religious practices if they do not encroach on other citizens’
rights.
Religions are known
throughout history to accord unequal status to sections of population, treatment
of Dalits and women in Hindu practices is an example. Treatment of women in
Islam is another example. Whether the communities themselves reflect and amend
these practices or not, the state is duty bound to provide opportunities through
a legal framework to those who want to resist this unequal treatment.
The religions also have had
ideals of not allowing other religions flourish or even exist. And the
conversion of non-believers is mandated as sacred duty of believers in
scriptures of some religions. That has been interpreted as theological legitimacy
of conversion through force, fraud, fear and allurements; and is being
practiced even today. A secular state that gives equal rights to practice their
faiths to all its citizens can not allow this. And has to intervene even if the
religious communities do not reflect and change themselves. And our students
should understand these ideals and positions and should build a rational
commitment to them. That is the duty of education.
Religions also put restrictions on people not belonging to their own communities. The present-day beef ban is an example. Not being able to buy meat on certain festival days is another example. This is not about demanding from Hindus that they eat beef, nor from Jains that they eat meat. They are free to eat what they like; it is only about the rights of other citizens to eat what they want. It can not wait for the communities to change themselves and become open minded, it is about telling them that there are other people who live here, and they do not have any right to force their choices on them. And our future citizens should understand this, through education, of course.
Another issue in India, and in
the world, has been of expressing one’s opinion freely without fear. This is
part of liberty of thought, expression and belief. A citizen does have the
right to critically analyse the doings and preaching of Ram, Krishna, Mahavir,
Buddh, Christ, Muhammad and all such religious figures. And also has the right
to express his/her opinion. If he/she finds something obnoxious in their
behaviour or preaching, she has the right to say so openly and without fear. This
does not mean asking believers to be critical about their religious figures or
dogmas, it is not about forcing the believers to read or listen to such
criticism. This is only about other citizens’ right to think and speak what
they want to. Again, it can not wait till the communities themselves become
wise enough to see that they should not try to control other people’s thinking.
Citizens in a democracy need to understand and value this freedom.
This is about accepting
others’ rights to live as they want, and not about wanting them to change their
practices. If we want a multireligious and multicultural society to live in harmony,
we have to get across these ideas and build commitment to them through
education. That is where secular ideals are necessary in education.
This is true that these
ideals can properly function in a society only when people accept them, and all
the efforts about multicultural understanding and reflection within communities
that Professor Santhakumar recommends are needed, and are very important. But
that does not do away with emphasis on secular ideal in schools and in
education.
In education and curriculum fair
representation of all cultures and religious beliefs is another big issue. And that
can not be avoided. I believe our education has been too shy (rather scared?)
of critiquing cultural practices and religious dogmas in schools. If we want
multiculturalism to flourish, we have to bring the critical understanding of
religions in the curriculum and have to learn to call a spade a spade.
Professor Santhakumar is not
correct when he claims that there is no evidence that ‘secular education’ makes
people secular. Indian constitution is an example of people understanding the
need to co-exist within the same country with multiple religious and cultural
beliefs. And that was right after the country was divided on the basis of
religion. And the education of the framers of constitution played a big role in
that. His examples of educated Indians re-emphasizing their cultural roots do
not negate this as long as they are not encroaching on others’ rights.
Another ideal that is
necessary part of the secularism is using your own mind, being critical, being
rational. The freedoms given to citizens and demand for responsible use of them
necessarily requires development of critical thinking and demanding reasons and
evidence for beliefs and actions. If education does not do it, democracy can
not function. And that demands being fair in analysing all ideas religious or
otherwise.
This also has to be done more
seriously that the Draft National Education Policy recommends. It talks of the ‘skill’
of ‘critical thinking’ umpteen number of times, and even proclaims that “[T]extbooks
will aim to contain only correct, relevant material; when unproven hypotheses
or guesses are included, this will be explicitly stated.” Also talks of ‘evidence
based’ thinking, again as a skill, many times. And then also makes claims like “India’s
languages are … most scientific, and most expressive in the world”, and that “The
concept of zero and its use in the place value system … also originated in
India, over 2000 years ago”. (Emphasis added) By their own proclamation
they should at the least have called them “hypotheses”. How do they defend the
claim of Indian languages being most scientific and expressive? What is their
evidence that zero was being used as a number 2000 years ago? One wonder how
critically they have thought about these claims and what evidence they have for
them. But then, when ‘critical thinking’ is taught as a ‘skill’ that is all you
can expect. Our curriculum under secular ideals should have done better than
that; and now will necessarily have to improve.
Calling secularism completely
an alien ideal does gross injustice to Indian culture and its openness. It is
true that the modern formulation of it as ‘separation of the state and the Church’
comes from Europe and is negatively inspired by Christianity due to its stranglehold
on the state and people’s minds. But the ideals of people professing and
practicing different faiths living together and state treating them equally—that
does not necessarily mean treating ‘well’—is an age-old norm in India. A
historian friend of mine told me that Ashok was fair to Buddhist monks and
Brahmins in giving grants and donations, in spite of himself being a Buddhist.
Ashok’s 12th Major edict gives an interesting peek into Indian mind
in this regard, it is worth quoting in full here:
“The Beloved
of the Gods, the king Piyadassi, honours all sects and both
ascetics and laymen, with gifts and various forms of recognition. But the Beloved of
the Gods does not consider gifts or honour to be as important as the
advancement of the essential doctrine of all sects. This progress of the essential
doctrine takes many forms, but its basis is the control of one’s speech, so as
not to extoll one’s own sect or disparage another’s on unsuitable occasions, or
at least to do so only mildly on certain occasions. On each occasion one should
honour another man’s sect, for by doing so one increases the influence of one’s
own sect and benefits that of the other man; while by doing otherwise one
diminishes the influence of one’s own sect and harms the other man’s. Again,
whosoever honours his own sect or disparages that of another man, wholly out of
devotion to his own, with a view to showing it in a favourable light, harms his
own sect even more seriously. Therefore, concord is to be commended, so that
men may
hear
one another’s principles and obey them. This is the desire of the Beloved of the
Gods, that all sects should be well-informed, and should teach that which is
good, and that everywhere their adherents should be told, The Beloved of the
Gods does not consider gifts or honour to be as important as the progress of
the essential doctrine of all sects. Many are concerned with this matter – the
officers of Dhamma, the women’s officers, the managers of
the state farms, and other classes of officers. The result of this is the increased
influence of one’s own sect and glory to Dhamma.”[2]
This is from
an all-powerful emperor about 250 years before Christ was born, addressed to
the general public as well as to the state officials. It may not be articulated
in the exact terms as modern secularism quoted in the beginning, but comes as
close to “a
mode of political organization in which the state is neutral with reference to
all established religions” as would have been possible at that time.
About openness and changes, yes, there is much resistance in changing practices in the society. There is also much injustice to sections of society and that is not giving way, often only changing form. But neither is it an absolutely ironclad rigidity. How the new age couples are changing Hindu marriage ceremony can be an example. I know at the least two couples personally who considered the practice of ‘kanyadan’ as demeaning to women and did not include that in their marriage. One couple used preamble of Constitution of India as ceremonial vow in their marriage. These changes have come about through secular ideals taught in the schools and colleges.
Finally, there
is no necessary dichotomy between emphasis on secular ideals and having one’s
own religious or cultural identity. One can happily be a Hindu, a Muslim, a
Jain, a Boddh, a Sikh, a Christian or an atheist; and be true to secular ideals
as far as public behaviour is concerned. One has to compromise only on the
religious beliefs and practices which restrict others’ freedoms. And that in
any case has to be accepted if one is not living in a theological state. Those
who want to force precepts of their own religions on others have to be
prevented from doing so, even if they don’t like it. This much is necessary under
any kind of modern state today, and is a necessary condition for existence of multireligious
societies. If the future citizens of India are to understand all this
appropriate emphasis on secular ideals in the school education is absolutely a
must.
******
[1] International Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences, Second
Edition (2008), Volume 7, p277-378.
[2] Romila Thapar, Asoka and the decline of the
Mauryas, OUP, 1997, p255