Destruction of Nalanda: The Zombie debate

January 17, 2026

Rohit Dhankar

Before asking who destroyed Nalanda, ask who destroyed our habit of thinking? Because the real destruction of Nalanda begins when history is replaced by ideology and repeated like a chant.

PART 1

Nalanda was attacked and destroyed by Bakhtiyar Khalji, says the conventional opinion. Nalanda was burnt by Brahmins, say the gunning for eyeballs by hook and crook a self-proclaimed historian supported by likes of DN Jha. And then there is an army of zombies who are programmed to echo opinion A or B in advance. They simply bleat the chosen statements like George Orwell’s sheep in The Animal Farm. Only difference between The Animal Farm scenario and present-day zombie debate is that the bleat in the first stopped at the end of the meetings, the bleat in the second never dies down.

This article is not to settle the issue, I am not a historian and am in no position to settle it for all and everyone for ever; especially for those who have lifelong vested interest in paddling a narrative for ideological reasons. It is to encourage people who have not yet turned into bleating sheep to use their own mind and find ways of evaluating vicious opinions deliberately thrown at them by various soul hunters to turn the still alive into braindead bodies in their respective flocks.

I am taking the most direct route—as far as I understand—to tackle this debate. And in that respect the first question arises: was Nalanda deliberately destroyed or just turned into abandoned ruins due to neglect and loss of patronage?

The ASIAR[1] clearly comes to the conclusion that it was fire and destruction as well. It states “[L]ayers of ashes, potsherds, heavy brick debris, more ashes, and finally natural earth accumulation are most clearly defined, and serve at once as an indisputable record of fire and destruction, and of the abandonment and subsequent reoccupation of the site.” (Emphasis added) Thus there was fire, destruction and abandonment. But also, that subsequent reoccupation and we will see some restoration as well. Many historians claim that destruction, fire and large scale killing in the area happened, but the restorations remained weak and slowly the patronage died down due to Buddhism losing favour in India as well as Hindu patrons becoming weak. We will talk more about it in analysing other sources. 

The Origins of Nalanda

Before we come to the real focus of the debate, we need to pay very brief attention to the origins of the Nalanda Mahavihara and who actually built and sustained it.

There is fairly general agreement that Nalanda with different names was a well-known locality or town since the time of Buddha and Mahavira; both of them are claimed to have visited and stayed there many times. There are many references to that ancient literature of Jainism and Buddhism[2]. However, all these references are as a place of importance and a town etc., not as a monastery of fame or a university. Gosh[3] claims that “[B]ut it may be emphasised that excavations have not revealed anything which suggests the occupation of the site before the Guptas, the earliest datable finds being the copperplate of Samudragupta and the coin of Kumaragupta.” He further claims on the authority of Hiuen Tsang that “a former king of the country named Sakraditya selected by augury a lucky spot and built here a monastery.” Sakraditya is identified with Kumargupta I. Subsequent to him several Gupta kings build further monasteries and centres of learning making it a university. Hiuen Tsang mentions Buddhagupta, Tathagatagupta, Baladitya, and Vajra. There is a fair agreement among historians that these are Buddhist names of various Gupta emperors[4]. A Korian monk who visited India also states that “[T]he Nalanda Temple, which is seven stages north-east of the Mahabhodi, was built by an old king, Sri-Sakraditya, for a Bhikshu of North India called Raja-Bhaja. After beginning it he was much obstructed, but his descendants finished it, and made it the most magnificent establishment in Jambudvipa.”[5]

In today’s world people may ask why a Hindu dynasty built the “most magnificent” university in Jambhdvipa? The curriculum in Nalanda was not confined to Buddhist studies in spite of this being primarily a Buddhist university. “The Sangharamas of India are counted by myriads, but this is the most remarkable for grandeur and height. The priests, belonging to the convent, or strangers (residing therein) always reach to the number of 10,000, who all study the Great Vehicle, and also (the works belonging to) the eighteen sects, and not only so, but even ordinary works, such as the Vedas and other books, the Hetuvidya, Sabdavidya, the Chikitsavidya, the works on Magic (Atharvaveda), the Sankhya; besides these they thoroughly investigate the “miscellaneous” works.”[6]

Perhaps that is why many kings and ordinary people belonging to all religious traditions supported Nalanda and other monasteries. Gulpta’s were of course the founders and particularly munificent in bestowing villages for upkeep and building monasteries and centres of learning as Nalanda.

Destruction of Nalanda

After having a brief look at the importance of Nalanda in Gupta period and its foundations, now we should be able to understand the sources documenting its destruction.

When one reads any contemporary paper or book on destruction of Nalanda one comes across a labyrinth of references sited to support their claims.  Suppose you read papers A, it refers to paper B, B to C, and so on; and at each stage something coloured by the writers’ political ideology will imperceptibly creep in. All the “possibly”, “seems to”, “can be reasonably accepted” etc. are progressively dropped and the claims become definitive: Brahmins destroyed or Khalji destroyed. Therefore, reaching the original sources becomes important. I noticed that within 2 to 4 stages one reaches the original or primary sources in the matter of Nalanda destruction. And surprisingly they boil down to four and then finally to two; such a small number. All others are actually interpreting, paraphrasing or building their arguments on the basis of these 2 (4). Therefore, I will focus only on these two in particular and total four in general. They are:

  1. Chos-dpal dar-dpyan, Tr. Roerich, Biography of Dharmasvamin, Jayaswal Research Institute, Patna, 1959 [Written in 1258-59, based on eye witness and close to evets accounts of others.] (BD for reference in short)
  2. Minhaj-i-Saraj, Tr. Reverty, Tabakat-i-Nasiri, Gilbert and Rivington, London, 1881 [Completed in 1260 CE, based on account of soldiers in Khalji army.] (MS for reference in short)
  3. Lama Chimpa and Alka Chattopadhyaya, Taranatha’s History of Buddhism in India, Motilal Banarsidas, Delhi, 1970 [Written in 1608, no primary witness, based on earlier material.] ( TN for reference in short)
  4. Sumpa Khan-po Yece pal jor, Tr. SC Das, Pag Sam Jon-Zang, The Presidency Jail Press, Calcutta, 1908 [Written in 1747, no firsthand account. Based on earlier material.] (Pag Sam for reference in short)

I have listed them in chronological order of writing. There can be a bit of confusion in the first two, as MS is stated to have been completed in 1260 and BD is stated to been dictated during 1258-59; therefore, the part relevant for us in MS may have been written earlier. The second point we should keep in mind is that in BD Dharmasvamin gives eye-witness account of certain places, events and of what is going on; and the main destruction of Nalanda is heard from other monks who were eyewitness or colleagues/students of eye-witnesses. Minhaj-i-Saraj’s account is based on a soldier who participated in destruction of monasteries, looting and slaughters. The remaining two are written long after the real events and based on some material available to the authors. Pag Sam seems to heavily depend on TN in account of Nalanda. Now, I will take these sources one by one. My purpose is very limited: to make up my mind based on available evidence and reason regarding who destroyed Nalanda? Other issues or questions which may arise are purely to settle the primary question as stated above. All the references and citations from the above four sources will be given simply as short form of the book-name and page number; for example source information on page x on BD will be cited as (BD, x). All other references will be given as footnotes.

Biography of Dharmasvamin (BD)

Dharmasvamin was a Tibetan monk who visited India between 1234-36 CE and stayed at Nalanda for some time. He was born in 1197 and died in 1264 CE. His biography was written by Upasaka Chos-dar, who was a disciple of Dharmasvamin. According to Altekar the author mostly relied on dictation by Dharmasvamin himself. “The author of this work relied mostly on the account dictated by Dharmasvamin, and so the work may be regarded as giving us almost an eyewitness account of the incidents and conditions narrated therein.” (BD, i) This source is considered very reliable by most historians, of course, with the usual caveat of possible inaccuracies and the fact that a religious monk’s accounts may be influenced by his faith.

If we go by Altekar’s estimates Dharmasvamin stayed in Bodh Gaya from July to October 1234, then visited several other places and perhaps reached Nalanda in April 1235, and stayed there till March 1236. (BD, v and vi) He give accounts of destruction by Turushkas of shrines and Viharas at Bodh Gaya and also general fear of Turushka soldiers among Hindus and Buddhists, so much so that people ran to forests when heard that some Turuska soldiers were passing nearby or coming to their town. But we will focus only on the Nalanda.

Dharmasvamins opens the chapter on Nalanda by stating that “[N]alendra, which means “Lord of Men” in Tibetan, was built by a former Raja, and because of it was given this name.” (BD, 91) It is worth noting that he gives no name of the Raja who built it. It could be any Raja, however, Emperor Ashok can be eliminated as a pious Buddhist monk would not have left the name of Ashok out.

Then he gives a description of the university as he saw it. Mentions several shikharas and viharas and says that “[M]ost of these were, built by the Raja. Some were built by the queen. They were damaged by the Turushkas, and there was absolutely no one to look after them, or to make offerings. They were built of bricks and many were left undamaged.” This confirms a Turushka attach on Nalanda sometime prior to his visit. He gives no date, nor mentions any fire.

There lived a learned monk by the name of Rahula-shribhadra and four other monks who were respected by Raja Buddhasena of Magadha. There were also seventy other “venerable ones”. (BD, 91) Dharmasvamin had come to study with Rahulasribhadra. Thus, Nalanda in 1236 was in a dilapidated condition, with only about seventy-five monks and disciples living there. Only a ghost of its earlier glory. These monks and disciples were supported by a lay person called Jayadeva. Other sources as well as Dharmasvamin mention that this Jayadeva was a rich Brahmin, we will have occasion to meet him again. He also says that most of the wealthy people were obliged to honour in the similar manner. These most wealthy people at that time could not have been Buddhists alone, majority was Hindus.  He mentions “that the two Viharas called Dha-na-ba and Ghu-na-ba were in a serviceable condition”. (BD, 91)

Dharmasvamin also mentions four images “the stone image of the Lord Khasarpana, Manjusri, ‘‘With the turned neck”, the miraculous stone image of Jhananatha and the image of Tara “Without ornaments”.” Then narrates the miraculous stories associated with them. These images are not mentioned as damaged in any manner, the stories associated with them indicate that they were old, which means they survived Turushka attack.

“When an officer of the Turushka soldiery took up residence in the Vihara of Odantapuri, situated at a distance of a day’s march to the east of Nalanda, he summoned into his presence Guru Rahulasribhadra’s lay-supporter Jayadeva and a member of the latter’s family. For several days they did not return. Then a traveller came and brought a message from Jayadeva which said, “The Brahmana lay-supporter wishes to tell the Guru and disciples, that he had been detained by the officer who said that he, (Jayadeva), had honoured numerous monks attending on the Guru. Now they shall surely kill the Guru and his disciples. Flee”.  (BD, 93) This shows active persecution of the monks, their disciples and even their lay-supporters. And that Odantapuri had become a garrison for the Turushkas.

Such messages came more than once and the monks and disciples were scared. All fled, but the Guru Rahulasribhadra and Dhamaswamin. The Guru pleaded and chided Dharmasvamin to go but he did not leave the Guru alone. The Guru was more than 90 years old at that time. Finally, he said “[N]ow, if I were to be carried by you, would you go? If you go, we shall both flee!’’ (BD, 94) Dharmasvamin agreed. The Guru said that they will not be able to go far, and that he has a way to save them both.   There was a temple of Jnananatha nearby, the Guru told the story that: “Formerly, the Turushkas had carried away all the stones of this (temple) and instead of anointing the image with oil and worshipping it, they threw impurities and dust at it. A man who participated (in this work) died the same evening of colic on reaching Odantapuri. Next morning the image was found undamaged, so it was said. Since then, the Turushka-heretics did not dare to approach it and cross the threshold.” (BD, 94)

The Guru and Dharmswamin hid in this temple. “While they were staying there, suddenly some three hundred Turushka soldiers appeared, armed and ready for battle. Though they were sure to kill them, they did not find them, and went back. The two lay-supporters (of the Guru) were put in irons for several days but then were set free.” (BD, 94)

BD is a very informative little book, it has many accounts of worship, sacrifice by Hindus which might be of interest. It also has accounts of fear of Turushka in Tirhut, Bodh Gaya and generally in the area of Bihar he was visiting. And account of destruction wrought by them in Bodh Gaya. But our interest is only Nalanda destruction, therefore in this article I am not giving any details of all that.

We learn from BD that:

  1. The Turushka’s attacked Nalanda before Dharmasvamins visit. This attack left the university in near ruins. All the monks fled. Only about 75 people were residing there in 1236.
  2. There were signs of destruction, but Dharmsswanin mentions no fire.
  3. The atrocities and interference in Monks’ lives were continuing.
  4. There was fear of Turushkas among people. Their bands were roaming around and oppressing people.
  5. Hindus and Buddhists both supported Nalanda.
  6. Lay people respected both religions.
  7. Hindu kings also respected Buddhist monks. Dharmasvamin gives an account of how the Hindu Kings Ramasimha of Tirhut gave him many presents, honoured him and even asked him to become his Chaplin. Dharmasvamin replied “that it was improper for him, a Buddhist, to become the Guru of a non-Buddhist. The Raja accepted it, and said, “Well, stay here for some days!” and honoured him “with numerous requisites”. (BD, 100)

I will discuss Tabakar-i-Nasiri in Part 1, some time next week.

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[1] Annual Report of the Archeological Survey of India 1921-22, Government of India Press, Simla, 1924, p.20

[2] Nalanda in Ancient Literature, Hira Nand Shastri in Proceedings and Transactions of Fifth Indian Oriental Conference, Vol 1, University of Punjab, Lahore, 1928, p.386

[3] A. Ghosh, A Guide to Nalanda, Archaeological Survey of India, Delhi, 1939, p.40

[4] Beal Translator, Buddhist Records of the Western World Vol 2, 1906, p.168-70

[5] Shaman Hwui Li, Trs. Beal, The life of Hiuen-Tsing, London, 1911, p.37

[6] Ibid, p.112


‘Truth’ versus ‘Truth’?: Or what is India that is Bharat?

July 2, 2017

Rohit Dhankar

Most of my short articles on this blog are ‘Loud Thinking’ as the title of the blog admits. They are not necessarily settled beliefs but explorations into ideas to form a belief. However, even ‘explorations’ have to have some basis in the form of evidence and arguments to be seriously considered as basis of a possible belief. Therefore, they sound less tentative then they actually are. This piece is one such piece. Therefore, interested readers (if any!) and especially historians and political scientists among them are most welcome to enlighten men on the issues I am about here.

Now, let me come to the point after this preliminary statement. Sometime back there was a discussion with some colleagues in connection with some academic issue: what is to be taught to students in class, to be more precis. One colleague said something to the effect that ‘India is a modern nation that came into existence with the Constitution of India. Even the idea of India is hardly 150 years old. And it is constructed around the territories that defined British Raj then. Before that there was no such thing as unified India or Bharat, there were various kingdoms and empires in the history falling within and sometimes encompassing most of the territory of India as it exists today. Therefore, the current rightist nationalist propaganda of India as a very old or eternal and immutable idea should be countered with a more reasonable historical narrative in higher education classes.’

With some give and take this is the position taken by most of those who want to counter the jingoistic nationalism unleashes by the Sangh Parivar. On the other hand many people (not all belonging to or even sympathizers of Sangh Parivar) point out that terms “India” and “Bharatvarsha” were used indicating a political-cultural-geographical region encompassing what is today often called South Asia or India, Pakistan and Banglasesh combined[1]. Irfan Habib writes that “The first perception of the whole of India as a country comes with the Mauryan Empire. Those of you, who have studied Indian history would know that the inscriptions of the Mauryan emperor Ashoka range from Kandahar and north of Kabul to Karnataka and Andhra and they are in Prakrit, Greek and Aramaic. So it was with such political unity that the concept of India came, and its first name was Jambudvipa a name which Ashoka uses in his Minor Rock Edict-1, meaning ‘the land of the Jamun fruit.’ The term Bharata was also used in Prakrit in an inscription in Orissa, at Hathigumpha, of the Kalinga ruler, Kharavela in 1st century BC; that is the first instance of the use of Bharat, and Kharavela uses it for the whole of India. So, gradually the concept of India as a country began to arise and a cultural unity was also seen within it as religions like Buddhism, Brahmanism and Jainism spread to all parts of the country.[2]

The term indicates a geographical region with cultural affinity and political ambitions even if remained unrealized most of the times in the history. To them “rashtra” is not a modern nation state as most of our historians and political scientists use the term for; but indicating a ‘loose cultural unity’ and political boundaries that somehow indicate a belongingness and ownership. And from there emerges the desire for political unification as well defense against outside forces. More or less combined resistance to Alexander in northern part of India indicates such a loose idea of belongingness. Mauryan Empire is a concrete expression of the same aspiration partially realized. Moughal Empire again comes close to realizing this aspiration. Foreign sources, especially Greek, point in the same direction.

When they claim that “Bharat” is an age old idea these people are not talking of a modern nation state. They are using the term in a sense similar to “Greece” or “Hellas” when we talk of Greece in the ancient times. No one claims that Greece is a not an ancient idea, though it comprised many small city states often at war with each other. Still the idea of Greece as an age old idea is accepted universally without countering it by the modern nation state of Greece, which certainly is not the same thing as the ancient Greece. But when we talk of idea of India then suddenly the idea of nation state (Republic of India) is invoked to counter any clams of its historical unity and ancientness.

How justified are these two claims regarding the idea of India?

If we are talking of India only as a modern nation state them the first claim is fully justifies. The clear articulation of geographical boundaries, nature of the state, constitution to be followed, governance structures and rights and duties of citizens with emphasis on equality, justice, freedom and human dignity were never available in the ancient India. In other words ‘India as a democratic republic’ is a very recent idea indeed, no one can deny this. And therefore the claim is justified in the sense of a nation state.

But the other idea of India as cultural entity in a certain not so clearly defined geographical region and close political connections as well as aspirations of unity is a very ancient idea, is equally undeniable. When the advocates of this idea claim that India is an ancient nation with a certain culture, history and geography they are not wrong. They are using a concept of rashtra that is not the same thing as a nation state but still a well-defined idea that can generate as well as guide aspirations; even aspirations consistent with modern democracy with equality and justice being non-negotiable values; in spite of its history of inequality and oppression of large sections of its population. Thus, both claims are true in their different interpretations. And that can provide an opportunity for dialogue and possible consensus generation.

How is a dialogue possible?

At present both factions of the Indian population (or citizens) are shouting their own versions of the idea of India and not listening to each other. Rather are declaring each other’s ideas a completely false concoctions. No dialogue is possible unless both recognize that the real problem is that they are talking of two different concepts while believing that that are talking of the same thing.

Today we are interested in a democratic India which guarantees and safeguards equality, justice, freedom, and dignity to each one of its citizens without any consideration of caste, creed, race, gender and so on. Therefore, however glorious or true the ancient idea of India might seem to be to some people, it cannot be our aspirational ideal today. We cannot and we do not want to recreate that today. In fact most of the Indian population will oppose that tooth and nail if some mistaken elements try to re-create that India.

On the other hand modern democratic republic of India did not come from thin air at the stroke of midnight on 15th August 1947, nor is it entirely created by the British. It has been in making for at the least two and half-millennia. Denying that civilizational history and legacy is equally impossible and foolish. The democratic republic of India would not have been what it is without that history even if we do not like it. Therefore, a bland and arrogant declaration that idea of India is only 150 years old is completely unjustified and actually insulting to a very old civilization.

A dialogue can become possible only if first both the warring factions try to understand what each one of them means when they use the terms ‘rashtra’ and ‘nation’. They are, of course, using the same terms, but not the same concepts that are indicated by these terms.

The ancient rashra-vadis need to recognize that their cultural and social India is unacceptable today. And the advocates of the modern nation state need to realize the basis of their democratic India is very ancient indeed. It is not created yesterday by the British Raj, though that has contributed to it enormously.

The spirit of constitution, I believe, recognizes that. For a fuller justification of this claim one need to seriously study the debates of the constituent assembly and the constitution itself (which I have not done at this moment, but intent to do), but a very interesting indication is available in the pictures included in the first copy of the Constitution of India. They include line sketches of Gurukula, Rama, Krishna, Buddha, Mahavira, Ashok, Akbar, Gandhi, Rani Jhansi, Tantya Tope (? Or is it Tipu?), Subhash Bose and many more. Showing the awareness of civilizational and political history as well as inclusiveness. Democratic national are not built on exclusive theoretical ideas, every citizen has to be prepared to see the contribution of even those s/he does not like! Those who are interested can download a copy of the first print from here. This is a very heavy file, may be difficult to download. A lighter file containing only the pictures is here Pictures in the Constitution. I could identify some of these sketches but not all. Taking help from knowledgeable people. If you can help, please do.

Nation, as some of our liberals are justifiably fond of quoting, is a daily plebiscite, even if that is somewhat exaggerated. If that is their genuine belief the idea of a rastra (though not a Hindu rashtra) as rooted in the ancient Indian culture has to be allowed to be a contender in that ‘daily plebicite’. It cannot be banned from the contest; though has to be necessarily defeated if we want to remain a modern secular democracy. And that requires a public discourse in language that a common Indian citizen can understand. Of course it is a demand for a massive public education into democratic politics but unless that is undertaken in unrest we will continue to have CMs like Aditya Nath.

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[1] उत्तरं यत्समुद्रस्य हिमाद्रेश्चैव दक्षिणम् । वर्षं तद् भारतं नाम भारती यत्र संततिः ।।

“The country(varṣam) that lies north of the ocean and south of the snowy mountains is called Bhāratam; there dwell the descendants of Bharata.” [This reference is taken from Wikipedia, I am not fully confident of its veracity, need to check.–Rohit]

[2] Habib, Irfan “Building the Idea of India”, http://awaam.net/building-the-idea-of-india-irfan-habib/


How secular is our politics?

January 28, 2014

Rohit Dhankar

I am assuming secularism should be one of the most important values in current Indian politics. That makes the following questions very important. Secularism according to International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 2nd edition, edited William A. Darity Jr., Macmillan “….in the twentieth century has come to refer to two interrelated practices: (1) a mode of political organization in which the state is neutral with reference to all established religions; and (2) later in the century, a political practice of the state that protects the rights of minorities in a multicultural society.”
Some questions:

1. If a state and polity realises (actually achieves) (1), is (2) needed?

2. Are (1) and (2) always consistent?

3. If in a particular situation (1) and (2) contradict each other which one should get precedence?

4. Are political strategies specially designed to appeal to religious groups secular?

5. Does India actually have a secular political party?

Any opinions?
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