BJP’s communal agenda: a quick examination

May 25, 2014

Rohit Dhankar

From the manifesto:

Ram Mandir

BJP in its manifesto (page 41) declares “BJP reiterates its stand to explore all possibilities within the framework of the constitution to facilitate the construction of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya.” (Emphasis added)

This is a pledge for “exploring” possibilities and “within the constitutional framework”, and not a commitment. And still it is communal in nature and goes against secularism. The issue is that the state has got nothing to do with the construction of temples or mosques. A political party when mentions this in its election manifesto is trying to garner votes in the name of religion and a government when tries to explore possibilities for construction of a temple is favouring a particular religion.

This is a divisive issue in Indian politics, BJP has used it before and still keeps using it.

Ram Setu

On the same page BJP declares “Ram Setu is a part of our cultural heritage and also of strategic importance due to its vast thorium deposits. These facts will be taken into consideration while taking any decision on ‘Sethu-Samudram Channel’ project.” (Emphasis added)

There is no evidence of what is called Ram Setu being a creation of humans. All evidence shows it is a natural formation. The connection with Rama and his Lanka Vijay is purely mythological, as most probably Ram himself is. Again, this is a communal agenda in favour of one religion (Hinduism). Arguments in connection with Ram Mandir apply here as well.

Ganga

The BJP says “River Ganga is a symbol of faith in India, and has a special place in the Indian psyche. It is Mukti dayini. …Pure water of the Ganga are thus essential for the spiritual as well as physical wellbeing of India.”

Cleaning Ganga is a laudable project. No one can fight with that. But it is laudable for economic and environmental reason. Connecting it with faith, mukti and spirituality in a manifesto is a communal move. The way Modi has talked of Ganga mata in the campaign and has participated in the Ganga Aarti after electoral victory certainly is a communal move to send signals to a certain section of Hindu community.

Cow and its Progeny

The manifesto declares that “Necessary legal framework will be created to protect and promote cow and its progeny.” All reasons given in the manifesto are economic. But the history of BJP and its handling of cow protection makes it plain that it is the “holy cow” that is being protected, not the useful animal that is important in the agricultural activities, for its milk, for its hide and for its meat. It is a not-so-cleverly disguised communal agenda.

Uniform Civil Code

BJP’s declared stand: “Article 44 of the constitution of India lists Uniform Civil Code as one of the Directive Principles of state policy. BJP believes that there cannot be gender equality till such time India adopts a Uniform Civil Code, which protects the rights of all women, and the BJP reiterates its stand to draft a Uniform Civil Code, drawing upon the best traditions and harmonizing them with the modern times.”

This is often attacked by liberals and so-called secularists and seen as something against Muslims. It seems to me that it is a good step and there is nothing communal about it. Having the same code for all citizens of a country is a laudable aim.

Civil codes of communities and religions which go against the rights of a democratic citizen will have to give way. Democracy is not a federation of religions; it is premised on the autonomy of individual in her personal life and setting one’s own life goals. Taking this right away from citizens in the name of religion or communitarian ethics abandons the very principle on with democracy rests.

Article 370

BJP’s stand on article 370 is seen as a communal move against Kashmiri Muslims. What BJP says is “BJP reiterates its stand on the Article 370, and will discuss this with all stakeholders and remains committed to the abrogation of this article.”

This is a complex affair. What exactly are the provisions of the said article is a matter of some exploration for me. The article refers back to other articles and without a study of all the references what exact impact it has on the state and its relationship with the rest of the country if not clear; that is: to me, as it is now.

However, it is clear from reading of the article 370 itself that it (i) gives a special status to J & K; (ii) it is considered temporary; (iii) can be abrogated though a specified constitutional process. Regarding the abrogation the article itself states: “(3) Notwithstanding anything in the foregoing provisions of this article, the President may, by public notification, declare that this article shall cease to be operative or shall be operative only with such exceptions and modifications and from such date as he may specify: Provided that the recommendation of the Constituent Assembly of the State referred to in clause (2) shall be necessary before the President issues such a notification.”

So where is the problem if BJP is trying to discuss with all stake holders and attempting to abrogate the article? Why should it be considered objectionable and communal in a democracy? In my view BJP is on the right track on this issue.

Natural home for persecuted Hindus from other countries

The manifesto states “India shall remain a natural home for persecuted Hindus and they shall be welcome to seek refuge here.”

As it stand it clearly privileges Hindus and that is not secular, is clearly communal in this sense.

Pranav Goswami asked Modi in one of his interviews why only “persecuted Hindus” not persecuted Jains, Buddhists, Sikhs, Christians and Muslims? Modi obfuscated on the question and said that his party uses the term “Hindu” as the Supreme Court defined it, ‘a way of life, and not as a religion’. Thus, according to him all ‘Indian origin” people who went or were taken to other countries and are being persecuted there now can come back and India will remain their natural home. If BJP modifies it in this sense, it ceases to privileged Hindus and becomes a secular principle of Indian state.

Then Modi further clarified that it does not apply to Muslims from Pakistan and Bangladesh; however, Hindus from these two countries are welcome. He did not clarify if Christians, Jains, Sikhs and Buddhists from these counties can also find India their natural home if they are persecuted? If BJP accepts this position then I believe it could be justified. Pakistan was created in the name of Islam and Muslims who remained there at the time of partition or went there at that time consciously forfeited their Indian citizenship and their claim to it. I see no reason to extend this privilege to them now. He also said that at the time of partitions there were 31% Hindus in Bangladesh, but now there are about 7%; this indicated persecution. If his data are correct (I am not sure of that) and there is no other explanation, it points to persecution of Hindus in Bangladesh. Persecution of Hindus, Sikhs and Christians in Pakistan is no secret.

Therefore, BJP’s stand that (i) it will welcome all Indian origin people (replace “Hindu” in current version with “Indian origin”) if they are persecuted in their countries and seek asylum, (ii) they will welcome all Indian origin people but Muslims from Pakistan and Bangladesh, if they are persecuted. This makes sense to me. Point two above is considered very controversial and Indian intellectuals consider it non-secular and communal; I personally believe they are wrong and do not have good arguments to support their opinion.

But as the pledge in the manifesto stands today it is only for Hindus and therefore is not secular and is communal in nature.

From Modi’s campaign and speeches and acts

Bangladeshi’s will have to go

Modi declared in Assam and Bengal that Bangladeshi ‘infiltrators’ have to go back.

The Hindu on 9th May 14 published a condemnation of these remarks sent by SEHMAT and sighed by the who’s-who of Indian intelligentsia. They state “We the undersigned, are deeply disturbed by the reported remarks of the Prime Ministerial candidate of the NDA at an election rally in West Bengal that “infiltrators” from Bangladesh, belonging to a particular religious community, must be sent back. Apart from the sheer inhumanity of the remark, we fear that in a country in which every citizen does not possess documentary proof of citizenship, such a move would simply cause a general victimization of persons belonging to that particular religious community.”

Their reasons for condemnation seem to be three: (i) it is inhuman to send back people coming from other countries to seek livelihood, (ii) every Indian citizen does not possess proper identification papers and therefore such move will victimize Muslims, and (iii) that Indians are seeking to stay in various countries and we oppose political and other formations in those countries who want to send illegal immigrates back to India.

I find it very difficult to accept the argument that anyone seeking livelihood can enter a country of his/her choice without papers and illegally; and gains the right to live in that country by sheer force of his/her illegal entry. If it would not have come from such august body of intellectuals I would have called it plain silly. But authority itself is no argument and I know no justification for such a stand. If I accept this then I have to accept that Indians who enter other countries illegally have no right to stay there and the people of those counties are right when they want to send them back. We must accept this.

That leaves us with the point (ii) in the paragraph above. That every Indian citizen does not possess proper identification papers and therefore such move will victimise Muslims. This is difficult to deny given the present political and social climate of the country. But we must note two things; (1) this is a practical difficulty in implementation of the move and not an objection directly based on any ethical principle, and (2) acceptance of this practical problem as ‘unsolvable’ puts India in a very vulnerable position. This acceptance means that Muslims from Bangladesh can keep on coming in India and they will just remain here, as it is difficult to identify them. I wonder how the intellectuals can be so insensitive to the majority worry that this stand has changed demography of many border regions of the country. The suspicion of the majority community that some (not all) Muslims and some politicians make this identification difficult and arrange documents like ration cards etc. for some Bangladeshis can hardly be called unfounded. This is actually happening, and by denying such things intellectuals and opinion makers simply push people towards BJP mind-set.

Therefore, acceptance of the problem as unsolvable cannot be a permanent solution. We must find fool-proof methods of identifying infiltrator Bangladeshis and should not make the difficulty in identifying them a plea for letting them live in India. The so-called secular intellectuals are plain wrong here and lose their credibility by taking such positions.

Vishwanath darshan and Ganga Aarati after electoral victory

I have argued in one of my initial blog posts that an individual can be a deeply religious person and can discharge his duties as a judge, politician, bureaucrat or police officer without prejudice, upholding the state policy of secularism. So Modi if goes to thank Vishwanath or offer aarati to Ganga as an individual, it should be no concern of a citizen.

But Modi did not go there an individual. He went there as a Prime Ministerial candidate of a political formation and the political formation supported his visit by making arrangements and so on. If a Prime Minister of a country uses party or state resources and his visibility as a political leader to emphases rituals of any particular religion it is difficult to pass that act as his personal matter and having nothing to do with the secular nature of the state. In this sense Modi did not behave as a secular leader and is unlikely to do so in future.

The religious bias in BJP as per this analysis is clear; and as citizens we have to be vigilant about how it plays out in future. One hopes that the pressure of active citizenship will force BJP and Modi to shun these biases. But that could happen only if the intelligentsia and opinion makers themselves shed their biases against some and in favour of some other religious communities; so far their record has been really bad. Actually, hardly better than BJP but in the opposite direction. Hope they will see the light now as the BJP victory is at the least partly a result of their biased analysis.

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Kejriwal and the court

May 24, 2014

Rohit Dhankar

We need some facts, and without beating around the bush: 1. is Kejriwal charged with criminal defamation? 2. Does Kejriwal’s statement about Nitin Gadkari being corrupt constitute prima facie evidence (till his claim is proved in the court) for criminal defamation? 3. In such cases is it within the courts purview to ask the respondent to furnish bail in such cases?

If the answer to three questions is yes, Kejriwal is violating the judicial norms and should be in the jail. If the answer is NO, the court is being unjust with Kejriwal. So what are the answers to these questions? We need to think is we are ready to accept that respondents are not needed to furnish bail; whoever they might be and whosoever might be the defamed, think of you and me and every one as a petitioner and respondent.

Kejriwal’s cleverly drafted letter does not answer these questions. Fight against corruption has to be fought within legal framework of the country. If the framework is wrong it has to be fought differently and at other forums. Kejriwal’s argument that other courts allowed him to go free on the basis of muchalka, does not mean that becomes his right. This court thinks differently, and may be within its powers in thinking differently. There are too many examples of brow beating the courts and it’s summons in our country. There are non-bailable warrants pending against religious leaders and other people who have power to disrupt law and order and go free through threats. Kejriwal, if he is a real reformer, should not add to that list.

Comparing Kejriwal with Gandhi is plain wrong. Gandhi declared the British Raj illegitimate. Does Kejriwal declare Indian government illegitimate? He is doing politics of remaining in public mind, if the answer to my three Qs is yes; and banking on public gullibility as usual. His politics has always been unreliable, irresponsible and self-centred. If the public accepts this style of politics and gets on this bandwagon in a major way, his today’s supporters will be dealing with a dictator in 15-20 years. He is equivalent in politics what Nirmal Babas are in religion.

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Democracy and hope

May 16, 2014

Rohit Dhankar

Democracy is about living together. Living together with mutual respect, dignity, freedom, and constantly striving for more just and more equitable society. Democracy is about expanding your consciousness to encompass all humanity.

Evil in democracy is that which denies dignity, equality, justice and voice to the other. The other might be your brother/sister. The other might be your ideological opponent. Denying equality, justice, freedom and voice even to your opponent is evil in democracy.

Democracy is about trust in people. People may make mistakes, they may come to conclusions one considers faulty, wrong, and even evil. Democracy is about listening to that voice which you consider wrong. It is about opening a dialogue with that voice while keeping trust in your own judgment. It is about making whole hearted attempt to understand root causes of people coming to a conclusion you consider wrong. And then opening a dialogue to weed out the wrong; whether in you or in your opponent.

Democracy is about fighting evil with non-violent means; with power of ideas, within the means provided and norms set by the constitution.

There are four evils (evil not in a religious sense, but as defined above) very prominently visible in our democracy: sectarian and casteist politics, anti-people economy, dynastic rule and corruption.

People with strong biases against sections of people are likely to come to power within next 12 hours. People with anti-people economic ideology are coming to power. People with servile attitude to dynasty are likely to be defeated. Corruption is likely to thrive as it has been doing so far.

Our best hope is to mitigate biases so that they do not effect national life. To push economy to pro-people as much as possible. Let’s hope that there shall be enough parliamentary power and alertness on the part of people to stop the sectarian evil, even if it is in power. Let’s hope that some spineless creature so far working under dynastic yoke sees light and gets courage to throw the yoke to ground; becomes a genuine human being and buries the dynasty.

These are bad times. The best thing that can happen to Indian democracy is that BJP led NDA is forced to remain secular and non-sectarian. And that the Congress gets courage to retire the dynasty finally.

Alas, all this seems to be hoping against the hope. And still, people who like democracy have to brace for a long fight ahead.
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Can a US court summon Manmohan Singh?

May 4, 2014

Rohit Dhankar

A few months back we read in newspapers that a US court has summoned Sonia Gandhi in case filed by Sikhs for Justice (SFJ) in which she is accused of protecting those who were involved in killings of Sikhs in 1984.

Today I came across another news item: “The Washington federal court had issued summons against Manmohan Singh during his September 2013 visit to Washington on a plea by Sikhs For Justice (SFJ) accusing him of “funding crimes against humanity perpetrated upon the Sikh community in India”.

This is a matter of national sovereignty; therefore the issue of what one thinks of Sonia Gandhi and Man Mohan Singh is irrelevant.

The question which comes to my mind is: under what international law can US court summon such warrants? Or is it under some US law? If the later, do US laws have jurisdiction over Indian territory? Is it interference in internal matters of India?

Supposing it is legal under some international law or under some US law, then can an Indian court admit a plea against Obama and issue summons to him?

The kind of ground on which Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh are summoned are aplenty against Obama. Actually I have a better grounds. Consider this:
1. This is well known that USA gives huge grants to Pakistan, in terms of money and arms.
2. US grants definitely require approval from US President.
3. Part of this grant is certainly used by Pakistani military and ISI.
4. ISI of Pakistan trained the terrorists who attacked Mumbai on 26/11/2008.

Therefore, Obama is responsible for Mumbai attacks.

Can I file a case against Obama in this matter in a Bangalore or Jaipur court?

Can someone please share authentic legal information on these questions?

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“मोदी … और इंदिरा गांधी” से आगे: यह संवाद का तरीका स्वयं में ही प्रमाण है

May 2, 2014

रोहित धनकर

(नीचे के आलेख में बहुत वर्तनी की गलतियां होंगी. यह इंटरनेट पर हिंदी टाइप पेज पर लिखा है. दुरुष्त करना आता नहीं है. तो माफ़ करें.)

केशव जी ने मेरे आलेख “मोदी और …..” पर टिप्पणी की है. यह टिप्पणी एक पूरे ब्लॉग पोस्ट की मांग करती है, मुझे लगा सिर्फ पुराने पोस्ट में इस का उत्तर नहीं दिया जा सकता. तो पहले आप केशव जी की पूरी टिप्पणी पढ़लें:

“रोहित धनकर का लेख, एक hallucination से पीड़ित है, कपोल कल्पानाएं कर के अपना पागलपन लोगों पर थोपना..
मोदी पिछले एक दशक से गुजरात में कार्य कर रहे हैं, एक ऐसी सरकार जिसने स्वतन्त्रता के बाद से इस देश में एक छत्र राज किया है, उसके पास हर तरह की ताक़त मौजूद है उसने श्याम दाम दंड भेद यानी हर तरह हथकंडे उस सरकार ने पिछले एक दशक में मोदी को मटियामेट करने के लिए इस्तेमाल किये पर वे लोग ना तो गुजरात का सौहार्द खराब कर पाये ना वो गुजरात की प्रगति को रोक पाये
वास्तविकता यह है की इस देश को अपनी जेब में रख कर चलने वालों को मोदी से बहुत सी परेशानियां हैं और मोदी प्रधानमंत्री बनते हैं तो उन्हें ही दिक्कते आने वाली हैं इसलिए वे ही लोग हिटलर जैसे जुमले आम जनता को डराने के लिए इस्तेमाल कर रहे हैं और उन्हें भटकाने की पुरजोर कोशिशों में लगे हैं
रोहित धनकर जैसे लोग सिर्फ ट्रेडर्स हैं जो सिर्फ बिक कर अपना लाभ लेते हैं देश हित के लिए न सोचते हैं ना ही उन्हें कोई मतलब है…”

किसी भी संवाद को सार्थक और विवेक सम्मत बनाये रखने के लिए जरूरी है कि हम एक दूसरे कि बात सुनें, उस के पीछे तथ्य, तर्क और नजरिये को समझें. समझने के बाद उस से सहमत होना, असहमत होना, उसका समर्थन करना या विरोध करना हमारा लोकतांत्रिक हक़ है. “पागलपन”, “बिकना” आदि शब्दावली सुनने और समझने से इंकार करने के संकेत हैं. तो मेरी केशव जी से पहली गुजारिश तो यह होगी कि वे मेरे पागलपन पर ध्यान देने के बजाय मेरे तर्क और तथ्यों पर ध्यान दें. यह इस लिए कि लोकतंत्र में संवाद के बिना काम नहीं चल सकता, और किसी भी विचार के साथ, चाहे आप उसे कु-विचार ही माने, संवाद तो करना ही पड़ेगा.

पिछले दस वर्षों में केंद्र की कांग्रेस सरकार ने मोदी को शिकार बनाने कि कोशिश की यह आरोप कांग्रेस और उसके समर्थकों के बयानों और व्यवहार के देखते हुए कोई बहुत खींचा हुआ नहीं लगता. एक प्रकार कि दुर्भावना कांग्रेस के व्यवहार में दीखती रही है. पर उसी प्रकार कि दुर्भावना मोदी में भी कांग्रेस के प्रति नजर आती रही है.

केशव जी ने इस बात कि तरफ ध्यान ही नहीं दिया कि मैं मोदी को हिटलर के बजाय इंदिरा गांधी के अधिक नजदीक पता हूँ. और मेरा लेख इस तरह का अतिशयोक्तिपूर्ण डर पैदा करने कि कोशिश का विरोध करता है.

मैंने मोदी के बारे में जो चार बातें कही हैं के विरुद्ध केशव जी ने कोई नयी जानकारी या तर्क नहीं दिए हैं. मैंने कहा है कि:
१. मोदी और उनकी पार्टी में हिन्दू-पक्षधरता है, वे पंथ-निरपेक्ष नहीं हैं. इस से डर और कट्टरवाद बढ़ेगा.
२. मोदी कि आर्थिक नीतिया शायद गरीब आदमी कि अनदेखी करेंगी.
३. मोदी और उसके लोग विरोधियों को ताकत के बल पर चुप करने कि कोशिश करेंगे.
४. मोदी में अधिनायकवाद के साफ़ लक्षण हैं.

केशव जी ने इसके विरोध में एक भी तर्क नहीं दिया. केवल मुझे बिक हुआ कहा कर इसे खारिज कर दिया. तो नया पलोग पोस्ट इन चीजों पर नए तथ्य या तर्क देने कि लिए नहीं लिख रहा, पुराने ही काफी हैं.

नए ब्लॉग पोस्ट के पीछे कारण केशव जी की भाषा और संवाद का तरीका है. इस कि आप तोगड़िया की मुसलमानों को दूर रखे कि सलाह, गिरिराज सिंह की मोदी विरोधियों को पाकिस्तान भेजने की धमकी, और अमित शाह कि बदले की सलाह से करिये. मोदी के समर्थकों का यह जो संवाद का तरीका है, इसमें जो सहमत नहीं है वह दुश्मन है, वह लोकतंत्र में भिन्न विचार रखने वाला नागरिक नहीं है, सत्य का दुश्मन है. और ऐसे लोगों को मोदी प्रधान मंत्री बने तो केशव जी के कथन के अनुसार ” दिक्कते आने वाली है”. मेरा तीसरा बिंदु एहि है. इसे केशव जी बिना जाने ही सही साबित कर रहे हैं.

केशव जी मझे तो जानते ही नहीं, तो उन्हें कैसे पता कि मैं ट्रेडर हूँ और कुछ बेचता हूँ? वास्तव में उनके लिए ये सब जानने की जरूरत भी नहीं है; क्योंकि विरोधी होना स्वयं ही खारिज करने के लिए काफी है. केशव जी, यही समश्या है, आप जैसे लोग लोकतंत्र की मूल भावना को नहीं समझते और इस लिए भीड़ के बल पर तानाशाही करना चाहते हैं. भाई, यह तरीका ठीक नहीं है. आप हमारी बात सुनिए, ठीक लगे तो मानिए, न लगे तो तर्क से विरोध करिये. ऐसा ही हम आप के साथ करेंगे. तभी हम समझ सकेंगे एक दूसरे को और कोई सहमति और साझा विचार बना पाएंगे.

केशव जी के लेखन में यह भी साफ़ है कि देश भक्ति उनके विचार से उन्ही कि बपौती है. जो उनसे असहमय है उनको देश से कोई मतलब नहीं है. वह देश के बारे में नहीं सोचता. केशव जी, देश के मायने हैं उसके सारे नागरिक, उसकी सारी संस्कृति, उसकी सारी परम्पराएँ, उसकी साड़ी जमीन और उसकी सारी संपत्ति. लोकतंत्र में देश शांझी सोच से बनता है. कोई धडी-घड़ाई मूर्ती कि पूजा से नहीं. देश भक्ति का अर्थ है उसके सारे लोगों कि भलाई के बारे में सोचना और चिंतित हिना, सब के दुःख और दर्द को महसूस करना, उसकी संस्कृति की सुबह बातों को आगे बढ़ाना और निकृष्ठ या न्याय विरोधी विचार को खारिज करना. और विरोधियों के अधिकारों की रक्षा करना. उनको भी बोलने की आजादी देना. जो यह सब नहीं करता वह और कुछ भी हो देशभक्त तो नहीं हो सकता.

केशव जी, मैंने यहाँ जो कहा है इस से आपको बहुत असहमति होसकती है. अब आप जरा ठन्डे मन से चोचिये इस में गलत क्या क्या है. गलती सब से होती है, मैंने भी कुछ गलत लिखा होगा. पर उसे संयत भाषा में और तथ्यों के साथ तर्क के साथ बताइये. हो सकता है मैं आप से सहमत हो जाऊं या आप ही मेरे से सहमत हो जाएँ.

******


Thinking and thought: a short email conversation with a student

May 1, 2014

Rohit Dhankar

Question (Harshita Das): “Is it the thought or thinking that ceases?” or “Which one is more fluid?”

Answer (Rohit): A quick half-thought response  below.

Thinking is a process or activity (mental of course). Without going into deep analysis I immediately see at the least two things that characterize this activity:
It sometimes involves creation/shaping of an idea, concept, through delineating segment(s) of experience(s) to be seen as ‘one unit’ and associating it with a linguistic entity, thereby creating words to indicate the concept in question. Ex. forming the ideas of education, student, politician, elephant and so on.

More often it involves working out/critiquing and clearly stating a relationship between two or more concepts. Ex. Elephants have long memories. Pay attention to relationships between “elephants”, “memory”, “long”, “have” (possess).

Thinking might cease in the sense that a person may stop working out new relationships, examining the accepted relationships, or concepts. A person may become a total conformist to results of his/her own ‘past’ thinking or of others’ thinking. We say his/her thinking has stopped. That means the activity of working our new mental entities either in terms of ideas or in terms of relationships is stopped. Ex. Once you accept of a dogma further thinking on that issue “ceases”. Look for actual examples among politicians and religious leaders.

Thinking, defined in this manner, never stops in ‘absolute sense’ unless one becomes vegetable or dies.

Thought is a result of activity of thinking, the mental entity produced as its result, be that through conscious thinking or automated habit of mind which may go on without conscious efforts or even awareness. The idea of ‘education’ you have firmed up in your mind may be called a thought. Similarly, the idea that “education kills creativity” may be called a thought.

Defined in this sense, I would not know what could it mean for a thought to ‘cease’? The only possibility I see is ‘forgetting’, ceasing to be used in further deliberations, or, again, becoming a vegetable or dying. In all these cases the idea of ‘thought ceased’ in general sounds a bit misplaced use, unless ‘thought’ is interpreted as ‘thinking’. However, in particular cases like “that thought ceased bothering me any longer” it seems to be perfectly acceptable.

So, it seems to me it is thinking that ceases; in any case “cessation of thinking” sounds more ominous to me than “cessation of through” whatever the later might mean.

Thinking by nature is fluid, though it may become routine and bound by set patterns. Thought by nature is more settled, though an active thinking process may keep it fluid. But if this fluidness increases to the level where it becomes mercurial thought becomes useless.

Not sure it is of any help to you or not. If it creates more confusion and generates more furious ‘thinking’ in your mind it should be good enough. 


‘मोदी और हिटलर’ या ‘मोदी और इंदिरा गांधी’?

April 27, 2014

रोहित धनकर

मोदी देश के लिये शुभ नहीं है. उसके प्रधान मंत्री बनने से बहुत नुकशान होने वाला है. इस से बहुत लोग सहमत हैं. और यह आशंका मुझे सही लागती है. पर वे नुकशान किस किस्म के होंगे और किस हद तक होंगे इस पर बहुत स्पष्टता नहीं है.

यह तो तय है कि मोदी के आने से भारत को हिन्दु राष्ट्र के रूप मेन देखने वालों को बल मिलेगा. वे ज्यादतियां करने कि कोशिश करेंगे. मुसलामानों में असुरक्षा कि भवना बढेगी और उस से मुस्लिम कट्टरवाद को बढ़ावा मिलेगा. तो एक तरफ़ हिन्दु कट्टरवाद और दूसरी तरफ़ मुस्लिम कट्टरवाद दोनो बढ़ेंगे. पर क्या यह इस हद तक जाएगा कि देश में बहुत दंगे होने लगें? दोनों तरह का आतंकवाद बढने लगे? देश कोइ मशीन तो है नहीं कि मोदी ने दिल्ली मेन बटन दबया और वह पहले से तय रस्ते पर चल दिया. यहाँ सरकार के अलावा और भी लोग हैं, हिन्दु और मुसलमान कट्टरता के पुजारियों के अलावा और भि लोग हैं. क्या उन कि प्रतिक्रिया कुछ काम करेगी? सरकारों को भी देश में शांति और सहयोग चाहिए. क्या मोदी कि सरकार (यदि वह बनी तो) भी बढ़ते कट्टरवाद को कम से कम नियंत्रण में रखने के लिये कोशिश करेगी? क्या अन्तरराष्ट्रीय छवि का दबाव सारकार को साही रस्ते पर लाने में मदद करेगा? बीजेपी की सरकार बनी भी तो वह दूसरों की मदद से बनेगी, तो क्या उसके सहयोगी बीजेपी को कट्टरवाद के रास्ते पर चलने देंगे? ये सब सवाल अभी उनुत्तरित हैं. हम नहीं जानते वास्तव में परीणाम क्या होंगे. पर आशंका है.

दूसरी आशंका गरीब आदमी की अनदेखी और व्यापारिक घरानों को विकास के नाम पर बढ़ावा देने की है. वास्तव में हमारे पास विकास का कोइ बहुत साफ़ और समझा हुअ नमुना है नहीं। इस वक्त भारत की कोई भी पार्टी व्यापारिक (मैं इस में उद्योगपतियों को शामिल मान रह हूं ) घरानों को रोक नहीं सकेगी. इस के लिए आर्थिक उन्नति और समाजिक-राजनैतिक विकास का एक सन्तुलित मोडल चाहिए. कोई भी पार्टी अभी यह समझदारी नहीं दिखा रही है। पर मोदी के आने से हालात और बिगाड़ेंगे इस में बहुत कम शक है. भ्रस्टाचार का बढ़ना ईसी समस्या का हिस्सा है. मोदी के आने से भ्रस्टाचार का रंग तो बदल सकता है पर उसके कम होने की संभावना इसवक्त नही लगती।

तीसरी आशंका विरोधी विचारों की अभिव्यक्ति पर बहुत कड़ी रोक लगने और विरोधीयों को ताकत के बल पर दबाने की है. इस में सरकारी तंत्र का उपयोग, गुंडो के उत्पीड़न और हत्याएं, और भी कई तरीके काम में आ सकते हैं. सरकारी तंत्र का उपयोग मोदी विरोध का मुंह बन्द करने के लिये जरूर करेगा. इस से आगे कुछ होगा कि नहीं इसवक्त कहना मुश्किल है। इतना तो साफ़ है की हिन्दुकट्टरवाद अभिव्यक्ति कि स्वतन्त्रता का विरोधि है। इसी तरह इस्लामिक कट्टरवाद भी अभिव्यक्ति की स्वतंत्रता का उस से भी बड़ा विरोधी है। मोदी इसमें राजनैतिक अभिव्यक्ति को भी जोङ देगा। अतः बोलने वालों की खैर नहीं। ना आप राजनीती में मोदी विरोधी बात कह पाएंगे ना ही धार्मिक मूर्खताएं पर कोई टिप्पणि कर पायेँगे।

पर आम तौर पर मोदी का विरोध करने वाले उस की तुलना हिटलर से करते हैं। और उसमें जो सब से बड़ी चीज षामिल है वह धार्मिक आधार पर विरोधी माने जाने वालों और राजनैतिक विरोधीयों का सफाया, नियोजित योजना बैद्ध तरीके से। अर्थात मुसलामानों पर वैसी ज्यादतियां जैसी जरमनी में यहूदियो पर हुई थी। हिटलर की ज्यादतियां नस्ल के आधार पर थीं, मोदी के बारे में दर है धर्म के आधार पर करने का।

यह आशंका सुन पढ़ कर इन दिनों एक सवाल मेरे मन मे बार बार आता है: क्या अतिशयोक्ति मूल तर्क को कमजोर करती है?

इस बात को थोड़ा ठहर कर समझने कि ज़रूरत है। मैं एक वास्तविक उदहारण देता हूँ। बात कोई पच्चीस वर्ष पुरानी है। एक गाम में एक परिवार ने बिना मिटर के बीजली कि लाइन लगा रखी थी। वे लोग कुछ बल्ब और एक दो पंखें उस से चलाते थे। यही आम तौर पर गाँव का बिजलि उपकरणो के उपयोग का स्तर था। उस परिवार के एक राजनैतिक विरोधी ने बिजली विभाग को लिखित शिकायत भेजी। और उसमें कहा की ये लोग हर कमरे मेँ एक ऐरकंडीसनर चलाते हैं, दो रेफ्रीजरेटर हैं, टेलिवीजन है, और इसी तरह कि कई और चीजें लिखदी। अब समस्या यह थी की नातो इन चीजोँ का उस गाँव के आस पास चलन था नाही आरोपी परिवार की मालि हालत यह सब खरीदने की थी। गाओं में लोगों की माली हालात उस वक्त छुपी नहीं रहती थी। तो बिजली विभाग वाले भी आरोपी परिवार कि माली हालत जानते थे। वे इस लिखित शिकायत पर हंसे और उसे रद्दी की टोकरी में फ़ेंक दिया।

सवाल यह है कि क्या शिकायत करने वाले की अतिशयोक्ति ने उस की शिकायत को अविश्वनीय बन दिया? यदि शिकायत में अतिशयोक्ति नहीं होती तो क्या जॉंच और इस अनिमियतता को रोकने की संभवना अधिक थी? (यहाँ हमें बाकी चीजों को बराबर मानना होगा, इस विशलेषण में भ्रसटाचार, रिश्वत आदि को लाने से हम अतिशयोक्ति का प्रभाव नहीं समझ पाएंगे ) मुझे लगता है की अतिशयोक्ति विश्वश्नीयता को घटती है और हम जिसका विरोध करना चाहते हैं उसी कि मदद करते है। मेरा यह भी मानना है की अतिशयोक्तियों मोदी को आज वह जहाँ है वहां पहुंचने में बहुत मदद की है।

अतः, मेरा मानना है की:
१. मोदी देश के लिये नुकशान दयाक है।
२. लोकतंत्र और धर्म-निरपेक्षता में विश्वास रखने वाले नागरिकों को उसे प्रधान मंत्री बनने से रोकने की कोशिश करनी चाहिये।
३. उसे रोकने के लिये उसके कारनामोँ को बिना अतिशयोक्ति के और निष्पक्ष विष्लेशण के साथ नागरिकों के सामने लाना चाहिए।
४. अतिशयोक्ति (जैसी हिटलर बनने कि संभवना) मोदी की ही मदद करेगी।

अब मोदी की कार्यशैली को देखेंगे तो आप पाएंगे कि वह पार्टी नहीं व्यक्तिवाद को केन्द्र में राखता है। अपने विर्धियों को नेस्तनाबूद करता है या इसकी कोशिश करता है। पार्टी पर पूरा कब्ज़ा करने की कोशिश करता है। स्वभाव से अधिनायकवादी है। भारतीय जनता पार्टी को अपनी व्यक्तिगत जागीर लगभग बना ही ली है। यह सब अपने प्रति स्वामीभक्ती ऱखने वालोँ की फौज ख़ड़ी करके किया है। और मोदी हिन्दू कट्टरवाद का समर्थक है, यह जग जाहिर है।

थोड़ा ध्यान देन तो पाएंगे कि आखिरी बात (हिन्दू कट्टरवादिता) को छोड़ दें तो ये सारे इंदिरा गांधी के गुण हैं। वह किसी धर्म के पक्ष विपक्ष में नहीं थीं. पर पूरी अधिनायकवादी थी। भारत को और कॉंग्रेस्स को अपनी जागीर समझती थी। कॉंग्रेस्स तो अब भी गांधी परिवार की जागीर ही है। यह उपलब्धि इंदिरा गांधी ने ही हाशिल कीथी। इंदिरा गांधी ने आपातकाल लगा कर भारत की जनता को दबाने कि कोशिश की और उसके नतीजे भी भुक्ते. मोदी यदि ऐसी कोशिश करेगा तो उसे भी नतीजे भुगतने होंगे। अतः मुझे तो मोदी हिटलर के बजाय इंदिरा गांधी के अधिक नज़दीक़ लगता है।

पर एक बड़ा फर्क है: मोदी धार्मिक कट्टरवादी है। तो एक धार्मिक कट्टरवादी जब पार्टि और देख़ को कब्जे में लेना चाहेगा तो क्या होगा? क्या मोदी इंदिरा गांधी से अधिक दमनकारी होगा राजनीतिक विरोधियों के लिये? क्या वह धार्मिक दमन की नीती अपनायेगा ? क्या उसकी धार्मिक दमन की नीती देश में चल पायेगी? इन सवालों पर विचार करने की जरूरत है। अतिशयोक्ति और भय से संचालित हुए बिना।

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The dynasty: a move for the future?

April 25, 2014

Rohit Dhankar

I have a strong premonition for last 3-4 days; precisely speaking, since Priyanka Gandhi has started defending her husband. Since the day one I wanted to commit my thoughts to writing, but work took precedence, so ignored the premonition. During these elections I have develop another bad habit: checking news several times a day. This afternoon when I saw Priyanka Gandhi’s picture and statements again, my premonition became even stronger and led me to decide to waste some time on writing this down. Now, I am not a political analyst, so what I write below might be just imagination of an Indian citizen who intensely dislikes dynasties, and may be totally worthless as far as understanding politics goes. Still, here it is.

Let me explain what I mean. Shree Robert Vadra has been in news for quite some time due to his phenomenal success in business and land deals with the governments of Haryana and Rajasthan. The congress party did make some noises initially to defend him; but then settled on routinely parroting: he is a private individual nothing to do with Congress, he has done nothing wrong, and the like. What this parroting meant in addition to usual tactics of Congress was drawing a boundary of the family and putting poor Vadra on the periphery of that boundary. He clearly was not in the core, he was not the family-family, somewhat of a second rate member only.

We need to note that the most trenchant attacks on Vadra and his business acumen are actually in the past, now when Modi and Kejriwal mention his achievements it sounds more like an echo of first announcement of blatant abuse to the nation, it is memory; no more immediate biting sting. So why did Priyanka Gandhi open her salvos on Modi with this issue now?

It seems to me the answer does not lie in the content of what she said in defence of her dear husband or in her trenchant attack on Modi. The clue may be found in the form of her defence and attack, and not in the content.

To understand this clearly we should pay attention to the fact that as soon as Priyanka started defending her husband the Congress machinery immediately took the cue and started considering him as a member of the family, and not as a private individual. That brings Vadra into the core and squarely as a part of the Rajparivaar. Second, in defending Vadra Priyanka referred to inner strength and resolve like her grandmother. So the source from which she draws energy and courage is Mrs. Indira Gandhi. Ordinary mortals like you and me when face adversity and injustice express faith in the moral goodness of the world or judiciary, or some such thing. That is because we don’t have illustrious ancestors who can pass on their courage to us. Priyaka’s reference to Indira Gandhi is not so subtle an attempt to evoke in public mind what Congress machinery has been occasionally, just enough to keep the imagery from fading, saying: she looks like Indira Gandhi; walks, speaks, behaves, and wears her saari like her. A reincarnation. Reference to Indira Gandhi is simultaneously evoking the family’s past, reminding us mortals yet again of her illustrious lineage, and declaring in herself the qualities that are bestowed by that lineage. Third, she does not stop there, she brings her children in; depicts them as asking questions regarding allegations on their father. This communicates to the adoring public future of the family, and the royal environment in which they will be brought up as honest and persevering leaders for the future. So this seems to be a symbolic act designed to bring Vadra in the centre, depicting herself as Indira II and hinting at continuation of fine lineage of future leaders.

The question is: why now? Why Priyanka Gandhi has suddenly decided to send these signals? Of course allegations in Indian elections fly thick and fast; true and false both. The public is so terribly confused that it can hardy make its mind up on the veracity or otherwise of these allegations. Lies are also common. What is new in this election season is that the dynasty has found its match in telling lies with equal ease and brazenness as they have been doing since Indira Gandhi. Modi perhaps is the only Indian politician who can match Gandhis in telling lies knowingly and also being aware that the public also see them as lies. This brazenness is not found in anyone else, other politicians’ attempts at it are just pathetic acts against these élan masters of the art can exhibit. Kejriwal has promise, but needs a lot of practice yet. He has no compunctions, like Mod and Gandhis, in telling lies; the problem is that when he tells lies he looks like a joker; while Modi looks an evil power (power, even when evil, is mesmerising) and Gandhis still manage to look aristocratic. Poor Kejriwal in spite of his best efforts is no match to them.
So what has happened that prompted Priyanka to take this symbol thick course of action? It seems it is prompted by something ‘internal’ to the family, and not by outside compulsions.

My guess is that the dynasty has realised that Rahul Gandhi as the next ruler has failed. This election is his third chance, and his performance in this one is going to be worst then the earlier two chances. The way he speaks and indications of his muddled thought process escape from him does not cut much ice with people. Even the combined might of the dynasty and its loyal subjects cannot make him look like anybody with some spark. He is simply empty. And this election is gone in trying to make a ruler out of that empty man.

Defeat in one election, however, should not be seen as uprooting of the dynasty. They have their financial resources, enough to fight several such elections. Have their network of loyal subjects, have an army of power brokers. And as a last resource have the feudal mind-set of Indian public who are used to looking towards established families. But even these resources in the hands of someone as dud as Rahul Gandhi do not always work. Therefore, looking at the future, they are bringing Priyanka, a reserve force, out. I suspect that right after the elections there shall be newspaper articles comparing Priyanka with Indira, hailing her as Indira II. There shall be a clamour from the loyal courtiers appealing Priyanka to take bigger role in the party, and slowly she will be built as the next Congress leader and natural—by divine right—candidate for Prime Ministership in 2019.

Now even if this highly speculative—bordering on nightmare—imagination of mine happens to come true why should I have this premonition? What is wrong in a political party trying to revive itself in a democracy? Nothing whatsoever. But the problem is that this is not revival of Congress party at all. Congress is dead long back. What we see as Congress is its ghost being used by a dynasty as a tool to deceive people. This is a strategy of the dynasty, not that of the party. That means we are not going to be free of this evil—i.e. Evil for democracy—force soon. There is more to come! That is the cause of my premonition. And the Indian voters will be ready for revival of the dynasty after five years. During these five years they will most probably experience repressive governance of Modi. Or a free for all governance of some really corrupt and unruly bunch of toughs. So be prepared for a lot of media bombardment of Priyanka as Indira II in the next five years.

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